William Wallace

Sir William Wallace (, ; Norman French: ; born , died 23 August 1305) was a Scottish knight who became one of the main leaders during the First War of Scottish Independence.

Along with Andrew Moray, Wallace defeated an English army at the Battle of Stirling Bridge in September 1297. He was appointed Guardian of Scotland and served until his defeat at the Battle of Falkirk in July 1298. In August 1305, Wallace was captured in Robroyston, near Glasgow, and handed over to King Edward I of England, who had him hanged, drawn and quartered for high treason and crimes against English civilians.

Since his death, Wallace has obtained an iconic status far beyond his homeland. He is the protagonist of Blind Harry's 15th-century epic poem The Wallace and the subject of literary works by Sir Walter Scott and Jane Porter, and of the Academy Award-winning film Braveheart.

He was first cousin to Roger de Kirkpatrick. Roger himself was a third cousin to Robert the Bruce.

Background

William Wallace was a member of the lesser nobility, but little is definitely known of his family history or even his parentage. Blind Harry's late-15th-century poem gives his father as Sir Malcolm of Elderslie; however William's own seal, found on a letter sent to the Hanse city of Lübeck in 1297, gives his father's name as Alan Wallace. This Alan Wallace may be the same as the one listed in the 1296 Ragman Rolls as a crown tenant in Ayrshire, but there is no additional confirmation. Blind Harry's assertion that William was the son of Sir Malcolm of Elderslie has given rise to a tradition that William's birthplace was at Elderslie in Renfrewshire, and this is still the view of some historians, including the historical William Wallace Society itself. However, William's seal has given rise to a counter claim of Ellerslie in Ayrshire. There is no contemporary evidence linking him with either location, although both areas had connections with the wider Wallace family. Records show early members of the family as holding estates at Riccarton, Tarbolton, and Auchincruive in Kyle, and Stenton in East Lothian.  They were vassals of James Stewart, 5th High Steward of Scotland as their lands fell within his territory.  Wallace's brothers Malcolm and John are known from other sources.

The origins of the Wallace surname and its association with southwest Scotland are also far from certain, other than the name's being derived from the Old English wylisc (pronounced "wullish"), meaning "foreigner" or "Welshman". It is possible that all the Wallaces in the Clyde area were medieval immigrants from Wales, but as the term was also used for local Cumbric-speaking Strathclyde Welsh, it seems equally likely that the surname refers to people who were seen as being "Welsh" due to their Cumbric language.

Marriage
The identity of Wallace's wife is not known for certain. He apparently fell in love with and married a young woman named Marion Braidfute. Wallace's violent assassination of the High Sheriff of Lanark was carried out as revenge for the killing of his wife according to Blind Harry's 15th century poem.

Political crisis in Scotland

When Wallace was growing up, King Alexander III ruled Scotland. His reign had seen a period of peace and economic stability. On 19 March 1286, however, Alexander died after falling from his horse.

The heir to the throne was Alexander's granddaughter, Margaret, Maid of Norway. As she was still a child and in Norway, the Scottish lords set up a government of guardians. Margaret fell ill on the voyage to Scotland and died in Orkney on 26 September 1290. The lack of a clear heir led to a period known as the "Great Cause", with several families laying claim to the throne.

With Scotland threatening to descend into civil war, King Edward I of England was invited in by the Scottish nobility to arbitrate. Before the process could begin, he insisted that all of the contenders recognise him as Lord Paramount of Scotland. In early November 1292, at a great feudal court held in the castle at Berwick-upon-Tweed, judgment was given in favour of John Balliol having the strongest claim in law.

Edward proceeded to reverse the rulings of the Scottish Lords and even summoned King John Balliol to stand before the English court as a common plaintiff. John was a weak king, known as "Toom Tabard" or "Empty Coat". John renounced his homage in March 1296 and by the end of the month Edward stormed Berwick-upon-Tweed, sacking the then-Scottish border town. In April, the Scots were defeated at the Battle of Dunbar in East Lothian and by July, Edward had forced John to abdicate. Edward then instructed his officers to receive formal homage from some 1,800 Scottish nobles (many of the rest being prisoners of war at that time).

Silent years prior to the Wars of Independence

Some historians, such as Andrew Fisher, believe Wallace must have had some earlier military experience in order to lead a successful military campaign in 1297.  Campaigns like Edward I of England's wars in Wales might have provided a good opportunity for a younger son of a landholder to become a mercenary soldier. Wallace's personal seal bears the archer's insignia, so he may have fought as an archer in Edward's army.

Walter Bower states that Wallace was "a tall man with the body of a giant ... with lengthy flanks ... broad in the hips, with strong arms and legs ... with all his limbs very strong and firm". Blind Harry's Wallace reaches seven feet.

Start of the uprising

The first act definitely known to have been carried out by Wallace was his assassination of William de Heselrig, the English High Sheriff of Lanark, in May 1297.  He then joined with William the Hardy, Lord of Douglas, and they carried out the raid of Scone.  This was one of several rebellions taking place across Scotland, including those of several Scottish nobles and Andrew Moray in the north.

The uprising suffered a blow when the nobles submitted to the English at Irvine in July.  Wallace and Moray were not involved, and continued their rebellions.  Wallace used the Ettrick Forest as a base for raiding, and attacked Wishart's palace at Ancrum.  Wallace and Moray met and joined their forces, possibly at the siege of Dundee in early September.

Battle of Stirling Bridge

On 11 September 1297, an army jointly led by Wallace and Andrew Moray won the Battle of Stirling Bridge. Although vastly outnumbered, the Scottish army routed the English army. John de Warenne, 6th Earl of Surrey's feudal army of 3,000 cavalry and 8,000 to 10,000 infantry met disaster as they crossed over to the north side of the river. The narrowness of the bridge prevented many soldiers from crossing together (possibly as few as three men abreast), so, while the English soldiers crossed, the Scots held back until half of them had passed and then killed the English as quickly as they could cross. The infantry were sent on first, followed by heavy cavalry. The Scots' schiltron formations forced the infantry back into the advancing cavalry. A pivotal charge, led by one of Wallace's captains, caused some of the English soldiers to retreat as others pushed forward, and under the overwhelming weight, the bridge collapsed and many English soldiers drowned.  Thus, the Scots won a significant victory, boosting the confidence of their army. Hugh Cressingham, Edward's treasurer in Scotland, died in the fighting and it is reputed that his body was subsequently flayed and the skin cut into small pieces as tokens of the victory. The Lanercost Chronicle records that Wallace had "a broad strip [of Cressingham's skin] ... taken from the head to the heel, to make therewith a baldrick for his sword".

After the battle, Moray and Wallace assumed the title of Guardians of the Kingdom of Scotland on behalf of King John Balliol.  Moray died of wounds suffered on the battlefield sometime in late 1297.

The type of engagement conducted by Wallace was characterised by opportunistic tactics and the strategic use of terrain. This was in stark contrast to the contemporary views on chivalric warfare which were characterised by strength of arms and knightly combat.

Around November 1297, Wallace led a large-scale raid into northern England, through Northumberland and Cumberland.

In a ceremony, at the 'Kirk o' the Forest' (Selkirk), towards the end of the year, Wallace was knighted. This would have been carried out by one of three Scottish earls—Carrick, Strathearn or Lennox.

Battle of Falkirk

In April 1298, Edward ordered a second invasion of Scotland. Two days prior to the battle 25,781 foot soldiers were paid. More than half of them would have been Welsh. There are no clear cut sources for the presence of cavalry, but it is safe to assume that Edward had roughly 1500 horse under his command. They plundered Lothian and regained some castles, but failed to bring William Wallace to combat; the Scots shadowed the English army, intending to avoid battle until shortages of supplies and money forced Edward to withdraw, at which point the Scots would harass his retreat.  The English quartermasters' failure to prepare for the expedition left morale and food supplies low, and a resulting riot within Edward's own army had to be put down by his cavalry. In July, while planning a return to Edinburgh for supplies, Edward received intelligence that the Scots were encamped nearby at Falkirk, and he moved quickly to engage them in the pitched battle he had long hoped for.

Wallace arranged his spearmen in four schiltrons—circular, defensive hedgehog formations, probably surrounded by wooden stakes connected with ropes, to keep the infantry in formation. The English, however, employed Welsh longbowmen, who swung strategic superiority in their favour. The English proceeded to attack with cavalry and put the Scottish archers to flight. The Scottish cavalry withdrew as well, due to its inferiority to the English heavy horses. Edward's men began to attack the schiltrons, which were still able to inflict heavy casualties on the English cavalry. It remains unclear whether the infantry shooting bolts, arrows and stones at the spearmen proved the deciding factor, although it is very likely that it was the arrows of Edward's bowmen. Gaps in the schiltrons soon appeared, and the English exploited these to crush the remaining resistance. The Scots lost many men, including John de Graham. Wallace escaped, though his military reputation suffered badly.

By September 1298, Wallace resigned as Guardian of Scotland in favour of Robert the Bruce, Earl of Carrick and future king, and John III Comyn, Lord of Badenoch, King John Balliol's nephew.

Details of Wallace's activities after this are vague, but there is some evidence that he left on a mission to the court of King Philip IV of France to plead the case for assistance in the Scottish struggle for independence.  There is a surviving letter from the French king dated 7 November 1300 to his envoys in Rome demanding that they should help Sir William.  It also suggests that Wallace may have intended to travel to Rome, although it is not known if he did.
There is also a report from an English spy at a meeting of Scottish leaders, where they said Wallace was in France.

By 1304 Wallace was back in Scotland, and involved in skirmishes at Happrew and Earnside.

Capture and execution

Wallace evaded capture by the English until 5 August 1305 when John de Menteith, a Scottish knight loyal to Edward, turned Wallace over to English soldiers at Robroyston near Glasgow. (The site is commemorated by a small monument in the form of a Celtic cross.) Letters of safe conduct from Haakon V of Norway, Philip IV of France, and John Balliol, along with other documents, were found in Wallace's possession and delivered to Edward by John de Segrave.

Wallace was transported to London, lodged in the house of William de Leyrer, then taken to Westminster Hall, where he was tried for treason and for atrocities against civilians in war, "sparing neither age nor sex, monk nor nun." He was crowned with a garland of oak to suggest he was the king of outlaws. He responded to the treason charge, "I could not be a traitor to Edward, for I was never his subject."

Following the trial, on 23 August 1305, Wallace was taken from the hall to the Tower of London, then stripped naked and dragged through the city at the heels of a horse to the Elms at Smithfield. He was hanged, drawn and quartered—strangled by hanging, but released while he was still alive, emasculated, eviscerated and his bowels burned before him, beheaded, then cut into four parts.   His preserved head (dipped in tar) was placed on a pike atop London Bridge. It was later joined by the heads of the brothers, John and Simon Fraser. His limbs were displayed, separately, in Newcastle, Berwick, Stirling, and Perth. A plaque unveiled 8 April 1956, stands in a wall of St. Bartholomew's Hospital near the site of Wallace's execution at Smithfield. It includes in Latin the words "Dico tibi verum libertas optima rerum nunqual servili sub nexu vivito fili" (I tell you the truth. Freedom is what is best. Sons, never live life like slaves.), and in Gaelic "Bas Agus Buaidh" (Death and Victory), an old Scottish battle cry.

In 1869 the Wallace Monument was erected, very close to the site of his victory at Stirling Bridge. The Wallace Sword, which supposedly belonged to Wallace, although some parts were made at least 160 years later, was held for many years in Dumbarton Castle and is now in the Wallace Monument.

In popular culture

Film
 A well-known account of Wallace's life is presented in the film Braveheart (1995), directed by and starring Mel Gibson as Wallace, written by Randall Wallace, and filmed in Scotland and Ireland. The film was criticised for inaccuracies regarding Wallace's title, love interests, and attire.
 In the film Outlaw King (2018), Robert the Bruce is prompted to plan a revolt against the English after observing rioting induced by the public display of the quartered body of Wallace.

Literature
In the early 19th century, Walter Scott wrote of Wallace in Exploits and Death of William Wallace, the "Hero of Scotland".
Jane Porter penned a romantic version of the Wallace legend in the historical novel The Scottish Chiefs (1810).

In her prize-winning poem of 1819, Wallace's Invocation to Bruce, Felicia Hemans imagines Wallace urging Bruce to continue the struggle for freedom after defeat at the Battle of Falkirk.
G. A. Henty wrote a novel about this time period titled In Freedom's Cause: A Story of Wallace and Bruce (1885). Henty, a producer of and writer for the Boy's Own Paper story paper, portrays the life of William Wallace, Robert the Bruce, The Black Douglas, and others, while dovetailing the events of his novel with historical fiction.
Nigel Tranter wrote a historical novel titled The Wallace (1975), "admirably free of anything to do with Braveheart".
The Temple and the Stone (1998), a novel by Katherine Kurtz and Deborah Turner Harris, includes a storyline creating a fictional connection between Wallace and Templar Knights.

Gaming
Wallace is the subject and protagonist of the tutorial campaign in realtime strategy game Age of Empires II.
Wallace is the protagonist of the Britain campaign in realtime strategy game Medieval II: Total War: Kingdoms.

Beer
A number of beers are named for Wallace. A brewery in Bridge of Allan, Scotland, makes a Scottish ale named "William Wallace", and Scottish Maclays Brewery had a beer called "Wallace".

See also
Auchenbathie Tower – Wallace's Knowe
Wallace's Heel Well – an imprint of Wallace's heel in stone.
Wallace's Well – Robroyston, Glasgow
Clan Wallace

Notes

References

 Scott, Sir Walter. Exploits and death of William Wallace, the 'Hero of Scotland'

External links

Wallace and Bruce
The Lübeck letter
Wallace letters to go on show

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Alain Goma

Alain Goma (born 5 October 1972) is a French former footballer who played as a right back or a central defender.

In a 16-year professional career he appeared in 196 Ligue 1 games, mostly for Auxerre. He then played 147 matches in the Premier League, with Newcastle and Fulham.

Club career
Born in Sault, Vaucluse, Goma started his football career playing for Paris-suburb club RC Versailles, joining AJ Auxerre's famed youth academy in 1988 at the age of 15. Three years later, he made his Ligue 1 debut for the team led by legendary Guy Roux.

In 1992–93, Goma took part in Auxerre's unprecedented semifinal run in the UEFA Cup, where they lost in the semi-finals to AFC Ajax in a penalty shootout. At the end of the season he signed his very first professional contract, going on to be instrumental in the side's 1996 double while also helping them to the 1996–97 UEFA Champions League quarter-finals – losing to eventual winners Borussia Dortmund – after winning the group stage over Ajax.

After ten years at Auxerre, Goma moved to Paris Saint-Germain F.C., conquering the 1998 Trophée des Champions soon after signing. After that single campaign he joined Newcastle United for £4.7 million, becoming an important player at the start of 2000–01 and scoring in a 3–1 win against Middlesbrough in October 2000.

On 13 March 2001, following a dispute with the Magpies, Goma signed with First Division leaders Fulham, who paid a club record £4 million for his services.  On 21 April 2001 he made his debut in a 1–1 draw at Portsmouth, and became a vital player for the club in its debut season in the Premier League, eventually serving as captain under countryman Jean Tigana.

Goma's form earned him a new contract during 2003–04, to keep him at the Cottagers until the summer of 2006. Despite missing two months due to injury, he made his 100th appearance during the campaign but, after the emergence of younger players such as Zat Knight, his importance and role gradually diminished in 2005–06; he was the most notable of six players released on 18 May 2006, after being unable to agree on a new deal.

Goma subsequently retired, aged 33. However, in 2007, he came out of retirement, joining Qatar's Al-Wakrah Sport Club and retiring for good the following year.

International career
After starting representing the French under-21s in 1992, Goma would go on to earn two caps for the senior side. The first was on 9 October 1996, starting in a 4–0 friendly win against Turkey, and the second was in another exhibition game, coming on as a substitute for Frank Lebœuf for the last ten minutes of a 2–2 draw in Austria on 19 August 1998.

Club statistics

Honours
Auxerre
Division 1: 1995–96
Coupe de France: 1993–94, 1995–96

Paris Saint-Germain
Trophée des Champions: 1998

Fulham
Football League First Division: 2000–01
UEFA Intertoto Cup: 2002

References

External links

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Dermacentor reticulatus

Dermacentor reticulatus, also known as the ornate cow tick, ornate dog tick, meadow tick, and marsh tick, is a species of tick from the family Ixodidae. It is the type species for the genus Dermacentor.
D. reticulatus is an ornate tick. The female varies in size from 3.8–4.2 mm (unfed) to 10 mm when engorged after feeding. The unfed male is 4.2–4.8 mm long. D. reticulatus is found in Europe and Western Asia, generally in wooded areas.

Lifecycle
D. reticulartus has a three-host development cycle. The adult female remains on a host for 9–15 days, and can lay 3000–4500 eggs, although the total number of eggs depends on the size of the female. The larva hatches from the egg in 14–21 days.

Disease transmission
D. reticulatus is a vector of various disease organisms, including Babesia canis,  Francisella tularensis, Coxiella burnetti, Theileria equi, and several Rickettsia species, such as ''Rickettsia slovaca.

See also
Ticks of domestic animals

References

Category:Ticks
Category:Parasitic arthropods of mammals
Category:Ixodidae
Category:Animals described in 1794


Revolutionary Nationalist Movement–Alliance

The Revolutionary Nationalist Movement–Alliance (Spanish: Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario-Alianza, MNRA) was a centrist electoral political alliance in Bolivia.

The MNRA was formed in 1979 by
 the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, MNR;
 the Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement-Chila, MRTK-Chila (faction led by Macabeo Chila);
 the Communist Party of Bolivia (Marxist–Leninist), PCML;
 the Christian Democratic Party, PDC;
 the Authentic Revolutionary Party, PRA (historical faction led by Walter Guevara Arce).

In 1979 presented as its presidential candidate Víctor Paz Estenssoro (MNR) and Luis Ossio Sanjines (PDC) as vice-presidential candidate and in 1980 presented Víctor Paz Estenssoro (MNR) and Ñuflo Chávez Ortiz (MNR).

Notes

Category:1979 establishments in Bolivia
Category:Centrist parties in South America
Category:Defunct political party alliances in Bolivia
Category:Political parties established in 1979
Category:Political parties with year of disestablishment missing
Category:Revolutionary Nationalist Movement


Michael Pritchard (comedian)

Michael Pritchard

(born 1949 or 1950)
is an American stand-up comedian, youth counselor, and advocate of social emotional learning (SEL). He speaks to schools, parent groups, and corporations on the topics of communication skills, diversity, bullying, and conflict resolution.   A presentation that he made at Benicia (California) Middle School was featured in the 2011 Roko Belic documentary film Happy.

Early life

Prichard grew up in Missouri and was the youngest of four brothers. His father was a pump salesman, and his mother a teacher. While in Missouri, he received a degree in social science.

Career

Pritchard was a U.S. Army medic during the Vietnam War. In the 1970s, he worked as a youth counselor and was named the 1980 California Probation Officer of the Year by the California Probation, Parole, and Correctional Association. After winning first place at the 1980 San Francisco International Comedy Competition, he briefly worked in show business,  appearing in an episode of Taxi and working as a voice actor in some Star Wars films, Disneyland's Captain EO, and Sesame Street. In 1983, he began making presentations in school assemblies. In April 2000, the first anniversary of the Columbine shootings, his television series Saving Our Schools from Hate and Violence (SOS) was aired on KQED-TV and distributed to other PBS stations. His television series LifeSteps, filmed in 1992, appeared on PBS stations in the early 90's, which divided into several subseries, You Can Choose aimed at elementary-school students, Big Changes, Big Choices aimed at middle-school students, and The Power of Choice, aimed at high-school students.

Recent projects

Pritchard works with Special Affects, an organization that uses documentary films to tell the stories of people with special needs and has created an introductory video for the organization's web site.  On April 2, 2013, Prichard attended the Light It Up Blue event in Novato, California, commemorating Autism Awareness Month, and posed for a photo with children who were there.

On November 6, 2013, Pritchard was scheduled to appear, as "Chairman of the 'Joint Chiefs of Laffs'", at a San Jose (California) fund-raising event for Walking Point Foundation, an organization that mentors veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars, who have post traumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injuries, in expression through writing and the visual and performing arts. The Walking Point Foundation web site lists Prichard as one of its mentors.

Personal life

Pritchard, who (as of May 2003) lives in San Rafael, California, is married to Mary Jo Pritchard. The couple has three children.
He is a practicing Catholic.

Bibliography

Books

 Listen to What Your Kids Aren't Telling You (with Dan Spencer)

Videos

 Stepping on Up (4-DVD series)
 LifeSteps (12-DVD series, 2003)
 Saving Our Schools from Hate and Violence (set of 2 videos, 2000)
 You Can Choose! (10 Part Series for Elementary Schools,1992)
 Coping With Pressures (VHS tape, 1988)

References

External links

 Michael Pritchard web site

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Category:People from San Rafael, California
Category:Comedians from California
Category:Catholics from California


Combe Delafield and Co.

Combe Delafield and Co. was among the major brewers in London during the nineteenth century, before being acquired by Watney in 1898, thus forming Watney Combe & Reid.

The Woodyard Brewery, of Castle Street, Long Acre, situated midway between the City and the West End of London, took its name from the original occupation of Thomas Shackle, a dealer in timber, who founded it in 1740. Shackle is said to have delivered his beer in small casks with his wood and he soon built up a valuable business. He was succeeded by a Mr. Gyfford, of whom no further record survives. At the beginning of the 19th century the brewery was acquired by Harvey Christian Combe, who was remarkable for his energy and great business ability. Combe, a Whig politician, had been Lord Mayor of London in 1799-1800 and was a Member of Parliament for the City of London from 1796 to 1817.

The business was largely increased under the management of Combe, who repaired and rebuilt the brewery premises. On his death in 1818 the brewery passed to his son, Harvey Combe, and his brother-in-law, Joseph Delafield, by whom the premises were further enlarged. Harvey Combe, who was a great sportsman and well known as the master of the Berkeley Hounds, died unmarried in 1858. He was succeeded by his two nephews, Messrs. R. H. and Charles Combe, Mr. Joseph Bonsor and his two sons, and Mr. John Spicer. Under the management of these partners, the brewhouse property was still further extended, and ultimately covered more than . The water, or "liquor" as the brewers term it, required for brewing purposes was supplied in part by the New River Company and partly by three deep wells sunk by the firm upon the premises.

In 1834, the company was involved in two major strikes. The first, in March, involved the coopers who were demanding an increase in their wages; part of their tactics involved persuading other workers to boycott the company's beer. Although this strike petered out, it set a precedent. In April, the following single line article appeared in The Times: "The carpenters and bricklayers belonging to the Trades Unions have, in consequence of Messrs. Combe and Delafield's refusal to employ any person connected with Trade Unions, resolved to drink no more of their beer" (The Times, 5 Apr 1834).

In July, the Master Builders proposed the reduction in the wages paid to the journeymen and to refuse to employ members of the Operative Builders' Union. Amongst the Master Builders concerned were Lewis and William Cubitt, brothers of Thomas Cubitt, who had workshops on the Gray's Inn Road. The brothers had had long-standing connections with the brewery, being responsible for the construction of a number of its pubs. In return for these profitable contracts, the brothers prohibited the consumption of any beer in their workshops, other than that brewed by Combe Delafield. The unions called for a boycott of the brewery culminating on 26 July 1834 in a meeting at the Silver Cup public house, when an extraordinary resolution was passed, "that all workers in the metropolis are urged to stop drinking beer produced by the Combe and Delafield brewery". The dispute continued until November, with neither side achieving much. The biggest losers were possibly Combe Delafield who, despite being innocent victims of the dispute, suffered heavy losses through reduced beer sales.

Originally, the brewery's main product had been the dark porter style of beer. In 1818 it was the fifth largest brewer of Porter in London, producing over  a year. By the middle of the 19th century, following the Great Exhibition lighter ales were becoming more popular. According to "The Red Barrel: a History of Watney Mann", by Hurford Janes (1963) "at the Wood Yard Brewery Combe, Delafield & Co, quickly adjusted their methods to meet the new demand, brewing ales similar in colour and flavour to those of Burton ale which had become the rage".

In 1866, the company changed its name to Combe & Co. By the late 19th century, the senior partner in the brewery was Joseph Bonsor's son, Sir Cosmo Bonsor, who organised an amalgamation of Combe & Co. and Reid and Co. with the Watney brewery, to form Watney Combe & Reid, of which he remained chairman until 1928.

References

Category:Breweries in London
Category:Defunct breweries of the United Kingdom


Stefan Kretzschmar

Stefan Kretzschmar (; born 17 February 1973 in Leipzig) is a retired professional German handball player.  The son of Peter Kretzschmar, a legendary handball player and coach in the former GDR (East Germany) and Waltraud Kretzschmar, a former handball player for the East German team and winner of Olympic team medals in silver (1976) and bronze (1980), he was a three-time Olympic athlete and winner of the Olympic silver medal with the German team in 2004.  He is well known for his many tattoos and piercings.  He ended his active career on 14 July 2007 and currently resides in Magdeburg, Germany, where he continues to hold a position with the local handball club, SC Magdeburg.

Honours
Handballer of the year: 1994, 1995
Silver Medal (Runners-up), World Championships, 2003
International All Star-Team: 1994
DHB-Supercup: 2007
Handball European Cup: 2002
EHF Cup: 2007

See also
Sportvereinigung (SV) Dynamo

References

 Website
 SC Magdeburg
 Time Magazine Profile

Category:1973 births
Category:Living people
Category:German male handball players
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Category:Handball players at the 1996 Summer Olympics
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Category:Medalists at the 2004 Summer Olympics


Women in PSOE in Francoist Spain and the democratic transition

Women in PSOE in Francoist Spain had been involved in important socialist activism since the 1930s, including behind the scenes during the Asturian miners' strike of 1934, even as the party offered few leadership roles to women and address the issues of women.  During the Civil War, the party was one of the few left wing actors to reject the idea of women on the front, believing women instead should take care of the home.

Socialists continued to have a fraught relationship with feminism during the post-war early Franco period with 10% female membership, and Partido Comunista Española (PCE) overtook PSOE in importance as the dominant left wing group in the Spanish interior.  Most of the prominent socialists leaders and many women in PSOE fled to exile abroad. Those who remained were subject to severe repression. Many were imprisoned.  Some were executed. During the 1940s, PSOE's interior activities were clandestine. Toulouse would become the home of leadership on the exterior, with exile women in France and Mexico playing important exterior roles. Leadership faced numerous challenges in the 1950s as a result of regime repression.  In the 1960s, interior and external divisions came out into the open with women like Josefina Arrillaga and Carmen García Bloise playing critical roles in the unfolding drama.  The early 1970s saw a period of renewal and renovation  of the PSOE executive committee.  Addressing women's issue was not something PSOE was able to do, as women in power understood that an attempt to do so would lead to internal party divisions.  Divided amongst themselves, PSOE aligned women would be at the forefront of introducing more explicitly socialist and politically class focused third-wave feminism to Spain.

The transition would see Adolfo Suarez's Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) come to power in 1977 following Franco's 1975 death.  Ignoring women's issues would be one of the reasons UCD lost the 1982 elections and PSOE come into power. PSOE would declare its explicit support for feminism by 2019.

Background

Francoist Spain was a pseudo-fascist state whose ideology rejected what it considered the inorganic democracy of the Second Republic.  It was an embrace of organic democracy, defined as a reassertion of traditional Spanish Roman Catholic values that served as a counterpoint to the Communism of the Soviet Union during the same period.  It came into exist in 1939 following the end of the Spanish Civil War. Misogyny and heteronormativity where linchpins of fascism in Spain, where the philosophy revolved around patria and fixed gender roles that praised the role of strong male leadership.

In July 1936, the Spanish Civil War started with a military coup attempt launched from the Spanish enclave of Melilla.  In October of that same year, Franco took over as the Generalissimo and Chief of State in Nationalist zones.  On 19 April 1937, Catholic and Falangist parties were merged, making Falange Española Tradicionalista the official state party behind Nationalist lines.  On 30 January 1938, the first National State Cabinet meeting was held, with the Spanish Civil War formally coming to an end on 1 April 1939 and an official government formalized on 8 August 1939.

The Franco regime banned all political parties and trade unions.  The only permissible type organization was Falange, founded by José Antonio Primo de Rivera in 1933. An election was held in 1966, where people were given the option to affirm or deny Franco's leadership.  With more voters than electors, Franco was affirmed as Head of State. Prince Juan Carlos was appointed as Franco's official successor in 1970, with Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco being the unofficial successor. Carrero Blanco was assassinated in 1973 by ETA. Franco died in November 1975.

History

Pre-Francoism period
Pablo Iglesias founded PSOE in 1879, and its union, Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) in 1888.  Early growth for the party was slowed as it was in competition with an anarchist trade union that focused on reaching out to Spain's working class. PSOE also had a rigid Marxist ideology coupled with anti-clericalism.  This was sometimes difficult for Spain's small industrial working class population who had many other left-wing political options to choose from.  In 1921, a split developed inside PSOE which resulted in the creation of Partido Comunista Española (PCE).  Despite this, during the 1920s the party continued to grow and was the largest one in the country by 1931 when the Second Republic was founded.

Women played roles behind the scenes in one of the first major conflicts of the Second Republic, when workers' militias seized control of the mines in Asturias. Originally planned as a nation wide strike, the workers collective action only really took place in Asturias. Some women were involved in propaganda and others in assisting the miners. After the government quelled the insurrection by bringing in Moroccan legionaries, some 30,000 people found themselves in prison and another 1,000 were put into graves.  A large number of those put into prison were women.  Women also played an advocacy role in trying to see their husbands and male relatives released.

Civil War period (1936 - 1939)

PSOE continued to ignore the unique problems of women during the Civil War.  When women were interested in joining the party, they found themselves locked out of leadership positions.  PSOE also refused to send women to the front, perpetuating the sexist belief that a women could best serve the war effort by staying at home.

PSOE was one of the only major actors on the left to immediately reject the idea of women participating in combat.  The idea was too radical for them, and they believed women should serve as heroes at home, providing support to civilian populations well behind the front lines.  Women who were members of PSOE who found their way to combat did so by joining communist and socialist youth groups. One of the few publicly socialist identified militia women in this period was María Elisa García, who served as a miliciana with the Popular Militias as a member Asturias Battalion Somoza company.

María Lacrampe had joined UGT in 1932 and become involved with the 1934 Asturian Revolution.  In November 1937, she became the secretary of the  Asociación Socialista de Madrid.  As part of her work, she assisted in bringing Spanish Republican children into exile in Belgium.  At the conclusion of the war, she unsuccessfully tried to escape via boat by claiming she was a French citizen.  By June 1939, she was in the Las Ventas Prison in Madrid, where she used her time to work as a nurse assisting children of other female prisoners.  She would also be present right before many women were put to death, with many of these women offering her their last testimonies.

UGT and PSOE were both banned by Franco in 1938.

Post Civil War period (1939 - 1945)
Following the end of the Spanish Civil War, PCE was the most successful organization when it came to rebuilding their organization. PSOE in comparison faced a lot more internal and external struggles to rebuild.  Despite these challenges, PSOE sought to re-organize its structure by merging the youth branch (JLE) with the main arm of the party.  This re-organization first took place in Spanish prisons, before being implemented into PSOE's clandestine structure outside prison walls. Following a round of pardons in 1943 that benefited many socialists, structural changes within PSOE accelerated, culminating in the first National Executive Commission being held in 1944. Prior to that, the last Executive Committee had been elected in 1939, with its chair José Gómez Osorio executed in 1940. Feminism and socialism continued to have a fraught relationship during the early Francoist period. Partido Comunista de España became the dominant  clandestine political organization in Spain following the end of the Civil War.  It would retain this position until the death of Franco saw PSOE replace it.

Most of the resistance in Spain during the early Franco period was a result of guerrillas, who coordinated their activities in the interior both with political militants in exile and with militants in prison.  Most of Spain's militant women who remained in Spain were in prison or had gone underground where they served as important figures in coordinating activities between all three groups.  Prisons in this case proved invaluable for many militant women as they allowed them to rebuild their activist networks or create new networks.  They were also one of the biggest sources of female resistance to the Franco regime by exercising daily resistance behind prison walls.

Following the end of the Spanish Civil War, the leadership of PSOE went into exile and reconstituted themselves externally with leadership largely based in France.  Inside Spain, PSOE shrank to all but a few militants mostly based in the Basque country and Asturian UGT strongholds.

Socialist women also went into exile during and after the Spanish Civil War. Oran, Algeria would receive around 7,000 members of PSOE and UGT who fled into exile as a result of the Spanish Civil War. UGT and PSOE party member Selina Asenjo Puello went into exile in Argentina after 12 years in France. María Lejárraga also spent time in exile in many European and South American countries. Spanish Socialist women in general found their most welcome home in Mexico. Four of PSOE's five Second Republican female deputies eventually sought exile in Mexico.  These women included Veneranda García Manzano, Matilde de la Torre, Julia Álvarez Resano and Margarita Nelken.

Socialist women, along with mothers, daughters and wives of male socialist party members, were subject to severe repression.  Women only connected to the socialist movement because of family members were tortured to draw those family members from hiding. Some Asturian socialists went into hiding near family members in the region.  Women took great risks on a daily basis, in some cases for years, to provide them with supplies.

Socialist women found themselves in prison in the post-Civil War period. Ángeles Malonda was one of the socialist women imprisoned during the Franco regime as a result of her involvement with the party during the Civil War. Claudina García Perez served as a member of UGT's Executive Committee from October 1937 to April 1939. By May 1939, when the Spanish Civil War was officially over, García Perez was in the Las Ventas Prison in Madrid.  The case against her was dismissed in 1940, and she was released from prison.   Dulcenombre del Moral was married to a prominent Andalusian socialist, Ventura Castelló, and arrested in July 1936 to try to lure him out of hiding.  She would stay in prison until her release in 1939.  By that time, she had replaced her husband within PSOE and would be arrested multiple times more including in 1941, 1942 and 1944. PSOE and UGT militant Ángeles García Ortega was sent to prison for three years in 1939. PSOE and UGT militant Pilar Pascual was arrested in March 1939 in Yecla for writing an article about socialism.  Sentenced to death, she would spend time in prison in Yelca, Murcia and Las Ventas in Madrid after her conviction was commuted.  After leaving prison, she rejoined PSOE and was active with the organization until she died. PSOE and UGT militant María Añó was involved in clandestine PSOE organizations, and would be sent to prison several times as a result of her political activities. PSOE and UGT militant Julia Vigre played a central role in organizing clandestine union and party activities.  She went to prison several times as a result. Mujeres Antifascistas member and PSOE militant Josefa Lirola was detained dozens of times for her involvement in protesting the regime.

Some women were executed because of their involvement with the party. María del Rey was executed by the regime because of her PSOE party membership.

1940s
From the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s, women made up an estimated 10% of PSOE's membership.

Interior
Following the end of the Spanish Civil War, PSOE lacked an interior leadership body.  Socialist women worked as liaisons or as messengers for clandestine PSOE and UGT activities.  Some were sent to prison for many years as a result.

In 1943, Claudina García Perez was invited to serve in on the interior Executive Commission.  She would also on the PSOE First and Second Executive Commission in the same period.  Franco's government spied on her and persecuted her, before hunting her down with the intention of arresting her.  García Perez then fled to exile in France in December 1946.  The  International Socialist Conference in Zurich  in June 1947, with García Perez serving as the secretary of the Feminine Section of PSOE.  She then moved to Mexico in February 1948.In the Basque Country, following the Nationalist seizing control of the area, women found themselves being investigated by the new regime.  In Biscay, over 300 different women were investigated in this period.  Many were also imprisoned.  They were subject to scrutiny because people accused them of being involved with or having sympathies for groups like PCE, UGT, PSOE, Partido Nacionalista Vasco (PNV), and Emakume Abertzaleen Batzak.

Julia Vigre was released from prison in 1943, and got back into contact with members of the UGT and PSOE Executive Committees.  She developed a clandestine contact network inside Spanish prisons and with militant male Spanish activities in exile in Toulouse.  She then facilitated clandestine communications between the two groups.  She was re-arrested in 1945 before being freed against in 1948.  Upon her release from prison, she went into hiding but continued her work in some Madrid based UGT and PSOE executive committees.  She became involved with Agrupación Socialista Madrileña, and collaborated with another female militant socialist, Carmen Guelin.  The work of the pair was critical in establishing the “malla de cristal”, a network that allowed communication between imprisoned socialist militants with their brethren in exile. Released in 1943, Lacrampe went on to serve in the PSOE First and Second Executive Commission.  Her involvement with these commissions would lead to more time in prison.

A woman named Otilia played a critical role in Astruias through her work at the Sama de Langreo Market, where she supplied documents, changed documents and forged documents to facilitate operatives arriving from abroad, while also assisting in bringing in materials from overseas. Luisa Palacios González coordinated with Asturian militants doing clandestine missions in the Asturian hinterland, assisting in coordinating their activities with operatives in Madrid in 1945 and 1946.  She also assisted in coordinating the exit of PSOE and UGT fugitives from their hiding spots in the Asturian mountains.

In 1946, women political prisoners in Madrid's Las Ventas prison held a hunger strike to protest the poor quality of food they were provided.  Women from socialist, communist and anarchist organizations came together behind bars to coordinate the strike.  While they were successful in seeing food quality improved, prison officials subsequently reorganized the prison population to prevent further political collaboration within the confines of the prison.

Exterior
The early Francoist period saw both PSOE and UGT largely absent from leadership positions.  The only socialist woman in leadership for PSOE was Carmen Maestre Martín, and she actually on the executive committee of Junta de Liberación Española (JEL), which was not founded until February 1943.  On 30 January 1944, she was appointed to the  Sección de Trabajo, Previsión, Asistencia y Sanidad del Consejo Técnico of JLE.  Matilde de la Torre and Julia Álvarez Resano had both been expelled from PSOE in 1946, and became political non-entities as a result.  Dolores Arizaga went into exile in France following the end of the Spanish Civil War.  She would serve as a representative of Section of Tarbes (Hautes Pyrénées) at the II PSOE Congress in exile in 1946. Carmen García Bloise joined the socialist movement as the daughter of a Spanish PSOE exile in Paris in 1948 when joined Juventudes Socialistas.

Agrupación de Socialistas Asturianos en México member Purificación Tomás would play an important role among socialist women in Mexico in the 1940s and 1950s.  She was affiliated with the UGT affiliated exile group Círculo Pablo Iglesias. In 1942, Spanish Republican groups in exile met in Mexico, forming the Unión Democrática Española (UDE).  Participants included PSOE, UGT, Izquierda Republicana (IR), Unión Republicana (UR), Partido Republicano Federal (PRF), Unió de Rabassaires and Aliança Nacional de Catalunya (ANC). Partido Comunista Española (PCE) was excluded as communists were out of favor following the end of the Spanish Civil War.

PSOE, UGT, PCE, Confederación Nacional del trabajo (CNT), Juventudes Socialistas de España (JSE),  Movimiento Libertario Español (MLE) and the Moviment Socialista de Catalunya (MSC) continued their struggle in exile.  From 1944 to 1960, the French city of Toulouse served as a major publishing hub for many of these organization's home in exile.  The city of Toulouse itself would see around 40,000 exiles from these groups settle permanently in the city.

1950s
Unlike other European countries where parties held control over unions, PSOE had very little leverage over UGT in the 1940s, 1950s and 1960s despite a large overlap in leadership. During the mid-1940s, 1950s and early 1960s, Barcelona based Movimiento Socialista de Cataluña was highly influenced by the British Labor party, who had developed extensive contacts with the group to give them legitimacy within Catalonia. Female leaders in the group in this period included Serra i Moret.  PSOE's relationship with the group in this era was unstable, and Lucila Fernández was the only prominent female figure in PSOE's Catalan organization. During the 1950s and 1960s, neither UGT nor PSOE put much consideration into political ideologies and practices related to improving the lives of women.

Following the death of PSOE leader Tomás Centeno in prison in 1953, the PSOE Executive Committee and broader leadership were largely destroyed. Starting in the 1950s, Josefina Arrillaga Lansorena, a lawyer, began attending clandestine socialist meetings in Madrid.  She became involved with Antonio Amat, who wanted to replace the dead Tomás Centeno in order to reconstruct both UGT and PSOE.

Socialist women played an important role in Asturias by doing clandestine work, such as coordinating between cells, supporting covert strike actions and taking over roles left vacant because male leaders were incarcerated. From 1957 to 1962, the Franco regime faced labor strikes in Asturias, with the biggest in Pozo María Luisa. Sindicato de los Obreros Mineros de Asturias (SOMA) had its greatest strength in this region, with socialist and communist women leading the organization of strikes on 23 March 1957.  They organized in two locations, including the esplanade of Pozo María Luisa and at the highway connecting Oviedo with Campo de Caso.  Their actions would serve as a blueprint for future strikes at the Nalón and Caudal mining basins.

PSOE and UGT were almost decapitated in 1958 following a police arrest of many of the leading figures of the movement from Asturias, Basque Country and Madrid. Antonio Amat was among those arrested.  He was represented by  Josefina Arrillaga Lansorena.  While Amat was in prison, Josefina Arrillaga Lansorena took control of the PSOE party apparatus.  Among the things she accomplished was creating a priority list agreed upon by other Madrid PSOE members.  This included maintaining a relationship with PSOE leadership in Toulouse, showing solidarity and support for PSOE prisoners, issuing regular newsletters and reports, and integrating the organization both internally and externally.  One of the most important things Arrillaga Lansorena did was establish a relationship with the socialist backed Asturian miners. Another important thing she did was make contact with foreign newspapers including Britain's The Times, the American Associated Press, and the French Agence France-Presse where she provided a different perspective on the realities of Francoist Spain.

In November 1958, there were a large number of raids conducted by the Spanish state that saw many people arrested and sent to prison around the whole of Spain.  People picked up in this period would include many women involved with the miners strike in Asturias earlier in the year.  Many of the women imprisoned as a consequence of the raid would go on to play leading roles in the Spanish socialist community of the 1960s.  Among those arrested was Josefina Arrillaga Lansorena. In 1958, Josefina Arrillaga and José Federico de Carvajal created a Spain based a UGT Lawyers' Office, which allowed the organization to provide legal services to many people including Antonio Alonso Baño, Luis Castillo Almena, Carlos Zayas and María Luisa Suárez Roldán.

1960s

Interior - external divisions
By 1959, divisions had emerged between socialist elements in the Spanish interior and those in leadership in Toulouse in the exterior. Josefina Arrillaga was at the center of this battle for the heart of PSOE and UGT.  She had been serving at the primary contact with Toulouse but, on 12 April 1960, she was dismissed from this role. Despite her dismissal, Josefina Arrillaga still played a key role in facilitating clandestine communications between Toulouse and key jailed socialist figures in Spain's interior.  Her role would see the November 1961 trial of seven Basque nationalists attended by the British journalist and Labour MP Ernest Davies as well as Christian Democrat Right leader José Maria Gil Robles, and the secretary of the Christian Democrat Left. On 21 May 1962, León Ramos informed the Spanish Democrats Defence Committee (SDDC) that Amat, Josefine Arillaga and Vicente Girbau were trying to destroy PSOE from within  and were actively collaborating with the communist. The SDDC was a PSOE and British Labour Party working group. The British Labour party decided to maintain contact with all involved as a 1959 party rule dictated they not become involved in internal Spanish party squabbling. Josefina Arrillaga would continue to develop her contact network in 1961 to aid in the socialist cause.  New contacts would include Amnesty International founder Peter Benenson, Fritz Erler  of the German SPD, German metalworks union IG Metall, and UGT members like Manuel Fernández-Montesinos living in exile in Germany.

Madrid based Josefina Arrillaga and Manuel Fernández-Montesinos would further split from the Toulouse group over their support of the creation of the Alianza Sindical Obrera (ASO), which drew heavily from UGT membership and advocated for a radical change in approach for the movement in the interior.  Arrillaga  would support World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) participation by ASO, attending several of WFTU's international congresses. Arrillaga's participation internationally ended the monopoly held by Toulouse of representing PSOE internationally and as Spain's primary free trade unionist organization. Josefina Arrillaga later immigrated to Germany in 1966, which along with the arrest of figures like Manuel Fernández Montesinos and the dissolution of the Madrid PSOE group, saw ASO go into the decline.

Carmen García Bloise was one of the female leaders inside PSOE during the 1960s.  She believed that PSOE and UGT needed to be governed from inside Spain, not from the exterior.  Along with others in the informal Paris group, she believed that militants inside Spain should be given greater weight and consideration inside PSOE and UGT.  Her position closely aligned her with ASO.  She played a critical role in understanding the need for PSOE to be governed from the interior and then assisting in moving those structures there from the exterior. From 1965 to 1970, Carmen García Bloise was a member of the PSOE Steering Committee  in exile. She represented the Paris Section at the X PSOE Congress in 1967.

Interior
Trade unions were officially not allowed in Francoist Spain with the nominal exception of the Falange led union organization Organización Sindical Española (OSE).  Women tended not to be involved with them.  When they did though, Falangist women would often find themselves working alongside socialist and communist women and would serve as a focused source of opposition to the regime.

Despite support from PSOE and UGT, miners faced setbacks in the period between 1962 and 1970.  Consequently, PSOE became more important in urban areas like Gijón.  Encarna Vega and her husband Marcelo García Suárez played an important role in restructuring the local party apparatus.  Encarna Vega also became actively involved in clandestine activities like producing and distributing party propaganda, and distributing the El Socialista and Adelante magazines.

The arrest of the core of the Madrid group including Fernández-Montesinos, Nuero and Nogués left Josefina Arrillaga uncertain.  The Lawyers Group could not overcome their loss.  The remaining Madrid group still had to deal with tensions from leadership in Toulouse.  Consequently, Arrillaga felt she could not overcome these difficulties and left for Germany in 1966 and became politically inactive.

Movimiento Democrático de Mujeres (MDM) was created in 1965 in Barcelona by communist and Catalan socialist women.  The organization quickly found covert support among other women in northern Spain as they tried to accomplish socio-political goals.  Because of their overt feminist ideologies, some supporters worried MDM's "doble militancia" would diminish their effectiveness as they sought to work towards concrete political goals. The organization drew from two different eras of Spanish feminists.  The first was a community of older women who had suffered the most under the change from the Second Republic to Francoist Spain.  The second group was known as the "pro preso" generation who came of age  through clandestine neighborhood led activism.  This meant the organization's feminist goals were sometimes in conflict and not well defined as members had to navigate ideological differences in what being a feminist meant.

MDM had always been strongly susceptible to party politics of both the Communists and Socialists.  In 1969, these ideological differences would lead to the organization splitting in Catalonia.  Because PCE was more organized in Madrid, MDM continued there and in other PCE strongholds.

Ana María Ruiz-Tagle Morales began her militancy in PSOE in 1965.  A labor lawyer by training, her militancy was assisted by Felipe González, with whom she shared an office in Seville. She played an important role by providing legal assistance on union affairs.  She served as a bridge to an earlier period with her collaborations with Dulce del Moral , who had previously been the most important militant in Andalusia.

Ludivina García Arias, daughter of Spanish exiles, returned to Spain from Mexico in 1969.  She was part of a generational shift in PSOE leadership in the 1970s.  Within a few years, she married PSOE Asturias leader Juan Luis Rodríguez Vigil.  One of her first jobs was assisting other returning exiles in dealing with their paperwork.

Carmen Romero and Felipe González met at university in Seville, where both were already already involved in anti-Francoist militancy.  On 17 July 1969, the couple were civilly married by proxy as Felipe González was in Bordeaux, only returning on 18 July for a religious ceremony.  The couple had their honeymoon in France so Felipe González could attend a Socialist Youth meeting in Toulouse. Returning from their honeymoon, Carmen Romero set up an house in 1969 which later became the headquarters for the Federación Española de Trabajadores de la Enseñanza de UGT at calle Espinosa and Cárcel in Seville. By 1970, Carmen Romero was working as a teacher.

In 1969, Dulcenombre del Moral and her husband were the head of a militant PSOE group in Andalusia that included Alfonso Guerra, Felipe González, Guillermo Galeote and Luis Yánez.

Exterior
During the 1960s in Mexico, Purificación Tomás  played a leading role among exiled socialist women.    She was in charge of organizing the IX Congreso of PSOE in Mexico in 1964.  Purificación Tomás created the Secretariado Femenino, with the goal of integrating women's issues into the broader Spanish socialist movement. She built and maintained contacts with the Socialist International Women.

Francoist 1970s (1970 - 1975)
With the renovation of the PSOE executive committee in the period between 1970 and 1974, practices around women's issues remained the same as they had during the past.  They did not create any structures to legitimize women's issues.  They offered little to women to suggest the socialists were a legitimate force for deal with women's issues.

During the early 1970s, Asturian socialists and militants played a critical role in providing a renewal for PSOE and UGT's leadership. During the early 1970s, Ana María Ruiz-Tagle Morales was in contact with exterior leadership in Toulouse. In 1972, with the help of Asturian socialists and militants, PSOE leadership moved from the exterior in Toulouse to the interior with the decision ratified by the PSOE Congress in 1974.

Carmen García Bloise represented the Paris Section at the XI PSOE Congress in 1970 and 1972. From 1970 to 1972, Carmen García Bloise was a substitute member of the PSOE Steering Committee in exile based on her position in the 6th area (Seiene). Carmen García Bloise would be appointed the Secretary of the Formación del Militante by the new PSOE committee following the XII Congreso of PSOE that saw the interior finally come into power. Carmen García Bloise's elevation to the Executive Committee of PSOE in 1972 marked the first time a woman had served in this role for PSOE since the Spanish Civil War.  She would be dismissed in 1974 after the election of Felipe González as PSOE Secretary General.  Despite this, Carmen García Blois left her job at Renault and moved to Madrid where she became PSOE's accountant.  She was joined by another woman, Miguel Ángel Martínez's Egyptian wife Myriam Soliman who served as Felipe González's personal secretary.  She also served as the PSOE Organization and Administration of the Executive Commission manager.  Carmen Romero moved with her husband to Madrid in 1974 after he became the Secretary General of PSOE. She took up teaching in Madrid and became more active in UGT's Federación Española de Trabajadores de la Enseñanza .

Encarna Vega and Ludivina García Arias both spent time in hiding.  They worked to coordinate their activities to promote UGT and PSOE in Oviedo during the early 1970s. During the 1970s, Encarna Vega ran a hair salon, and used her Oveido home to host PSOE party meetings before the local party found a more permanent home. As a result of her militancy, Ludivina García Arias moved to Asturias in 1971.

María Begoña Abdelkader García joined a clandestine socialist organization in July 1970.  Josefina Arrillaga returned to Spain in 1974.  She would briefly rejoin PSOE during the transition period. Matilde Fernández joined PSOE in the last years of the dictatorship. Ana María Ruiz-Tagle Morales assisted in re-organizations socialist organizations in the Andalusia, and in reinvigorating PSOE Executive Committees during the early 1970s.

By 1970, many liberal and socialist women had left the Catholic Church in Spain.  These women joined clandestine political organizations and trade unions. During the 1970s, the core female constituency of PSOE was composed of returned children of Spanish exiles.  The women that proposed the Secretariado Femenino would be responsible for proposing its elimination at the 1970 PSOE Congress.  Their argument was the organization had achieved limited results and PSOE had more pressing needs related to organizational restructuring. Carmen García Bloise was the primary defender of the Secretariado Femenino at the 1970 PSOE Congress. She believed that without it, it would be hard for women to become involved with and have their issues taking seriously within the socialist movement.  Despite her opposition, PSOE dissolved the  Secretariado Femenino. Despite Ana María Ruiz-Tagle Morales,  Carmen García Bloise and Dulce del Moral working together in the early 1970s, there was never the possibility of  Grupo Femenino del PSOE in Seville as it would have led to a rupture within PSOE.  All three women considered the broader political goals of PSOE more important than the specific needs of socialist women as a group.

In 1974, MDM changed their name to Movimeinto para la Liberación de la Mujer (MDM-MLM) and became more explicitly feminist in their political activism.  In this new period of activity, they were attacked by many leftist organizations who believed they were too bourgeois and that a focus on feminist goals was a distraction from the broader class based struggle in Spain.  At the same time, MDM-MLM also challenged traditional patriarchal left wing views on women.  They were also attacked by the right for being communists, anti-woman and anti-regime.  The group faced internal divisions on whether they needed male activists to achieve women's political goals, or whether they should remain sex segregated so as to challenge patriarchal beliefs.

The high profile quarrels among leftist women and increasingly involvement of male dominated political organizations led to the creation in the 1970s of third-wave radical feminism in Spain, that was both similar and notably dissimilar to their American counterparts of the same name by being more explicitly socialist and politically focused on class in their orientation.  These women would found Partido Feminist (PF) and Seminario Colectivo Feminista, an organization founded in 1976 as a result in a split inside PF.

Democratic transition 1970s (1976-1985)

To avoid bloodshed following the death of Franco on 20 November 1975, left leaning parties like PSOE and PCE agreed to the "pact of silence" which largely involved not discussing or seeking to prosecute atrocities committed by the Franco regime during its time in power, or by either side during the Spanish Civil War.

After Franco's death, María Begoña Abdelkader García was part of a group that created PSC-PSOE AS in Hospitalet (Barcelona). Ana María Ruiz-Tagle became involved in feminist groups and trying to address women's rights starting in 1976 during the transition.  She would go on to be a Spanish Senator representing PSOE in 1982, 1986 and 1989. Palmira Pla Pechovierto returned from Venezuelan exile in the late 1970s.  The teacher immediately became involved with PSOE in Castellón, and went on to represent the area in the 1977 Constitutional Legislature of Spain. At the  December 1976  XXVII PSOE Congress in Madrid, Carmen García Bloise  was elected secretary of Administration of the Executive Commission. In 1977, Carmen Romero became UGT's Executive Education Committee Press Secretary.

Feminists groups watched the process of creating a new Spanish constitution with concern.  On 6 December 1978, a number of groups presented Cortes president Antonio Hernández Gil with a list of their concerns about it. Signatories included women who were members of UCD, PSOE, PC, MDM, ADM-PT and ORT-ULM. They wanted the constitution to commit the government to incorporating women into the workforce, that marriage should be based on equality of spouses, that marriages could be dissolved by mutual consent of either spouse, that every women should have the right to decide how many children she would have, and that women should have access to birth control. These women were opposed to Article 15, which said that "everyone has the right to life" () as they felt it could be interpreted as offering protection to fetuses.  Their fears would be realized on 11 April 1985, when this constitutional wording was used to declare an abortion law illegal.

The Primeras Jornadas de la Mujer were held in the Basque Country from 8 - 11 December 1978. The Primeras Jornadas de la Mujer were held in Granada in 1979.  At both, the issue of dual militancy was discussed by women trade unionists and political party members in attendance.  For many of these women, even though they were able to work, their husbands often demanded they do traditional women's housework and childcare because the husband said his unionist and political activities were more important than hers.  This left many women feeling insecure in their activism.

1977 Spanish general elections

The transition period saw Unión de Centro Democrático (UCD) come into power led in 1977 by  Prime Minister Adolfo Suarez on a liberal platform espousing women's rights.  PSOE captured 28.5% of the vote to place second among all parties.  This gave them a third of the seats in the Cortes. Because Adolfo Suarez's party lacked an absolute majority to govern, he was forced to form a coalition with other more right leaning parties.  This resulted in a dilution of women's priorities and angered many women's rights advocates and feminists, serving to splinter these groups along ideological priority based grounds that saw one side view participation in the constitutional draft process as being part of emancipated citizenship while another faction saw it as oppressed women being forced to participate in their own repression. Radical feminists opposed to UCD felt vindicated in their doubts following the 1979 general elections, which saw 21 women or 6 percent of the 350 seats belonging to women, down from 22 in the previous congress.  At the same time, UCD continued to be the largest political organization for women with the most representation of any party in Congress, with 11 women deputies and 4 women senators.  In contrast, PSOE refused to address women's issues more broadly and to prioritize women's concerns.  They did not move women's positions up their list, and consequently the number of female PSOE representatives fell in 1979 to 6 from the previous high of 11.

Ahead of the 15 June 1977 general elections, political and social conditions largely remained unchanged.  Leftist parties did not necessarily accept demands of most feminists accept for certain issues like the legalization of conception.  Many feminists involved in political groups abandoned specific goals in favor of broader political goals, resulting in a diluted form of feminism being adapted by major leftist parties.

1979 Spanish general elections

Ahead of the 1979 elections, González decided to abandon Marxism as a party principle.  He believed that doing so would make the party more attractive to Spanish women voters who were supporting more centrist oriented parties.  As a result, PSOE managed to win over many women from Union of the Democratic Centre.  In some regions, women PSOE voters heavily outnumber their male counterparts.

1982 Spanish general elections

The 1982 Spanish general elections were a landslide victory of PSOE, and see 18 of the 22 women in Congress be party members.  Despite this, women affiliated with PSOE continued to deal with issues of dual militancy, where they battled both for their political goals and feminist ideology that sometimes could be at odds with each other. More men than women voted for PSOE in the 1982 elections.

Democratic Spain (1985 - present)

In honor of 2019 International Women's Day, PSOE leader Pedro Sanchez reaffirmed the party's commitment to feminism, saying that it was at the heart of the party. In a statement published that day, he was quoted as saying, "We will continue working tirelessly to achieve total and effective equality. The voice of the brave women and men who claim it is ours, because the Spain you want is feminist."

Carmen García Bloise died on 13 July 1994 as the result of a failed liver transplant.

References

Category:Women in the Spanish transition to democracy
Category:Women in Francoist Spain
Category:Spanish Socialist Workers' Party
Category:Spanish women in politics


List of defunct airlines of Albania

This is a list of defunct airlines of Albania.

See also
 List of airlines of Albania

References

Defunct Airlines
*
Albania


Drew Williams

Charles Andrew Williams (born June 17, 1994) is an American football long snapper who is currently a free agent. He played college football at South Carolina.

College career
Williams started as a true freshman for the Gamecocks and played every game.

Professional career
On January 2, 2018, Williams signed a reserve/future contract with the Arizona Cardinals. He was waived on May 1, 2018.

References

External links

Category:1994 births
Category:Living people
Category:American football long snappers
Category:Arizona Cardinals players
Category:People from Irmo, South Carolina
Category:South Carolina Gamecocks football players


Yazan Dahshan

Yazan Dahshan () (born June 13, 1990) is a Jordanian footballer who plays for Al-Ahli.

References

External links

Category:1990 births
Category:Living people
Category:Jordanian footballers
Category:Association football forwards
Category:People from Amman
Category:Al-Ahli SC (Amman) players


Pons asinorum

In geometry, the statement that the angles opposite the equal sides of an isosceles triangle are themselves equal is known as the pons asinorum (,  ), typically translated as "bridge of asses". This statement is Proposition 5 of Book 1 in Euclid's Elements, and is also known as the isosceles triangle theorem.  Its converse is also true: if two angles of a triangle are equal, then the sides opposite them are also equal. The term is also applied to the Pythagorean Theorem..

The name of this statement is also used metaphorically for a problem or challenge which will separate the sure of mind from the simple, the fleet thinker from the slow, the determined from the dallier, to represent a critical test of ability or understanding. Its first known use was in 1645.

Proofs

Euclid and Proclus
Euclid's statement of the pons asinorum includes a second conclusion that if the equal sides of the triangle are extended below the base, then the angles between the extensions and the base are also equal. Euclid's proof involves drawing auxiliary lines to these extensions. But, as Euclid's commentator Proclus points out, Euclid never uses the second conclusion and his proof can be simplified somewhat by drawing the auxiliary lines to the sides of the triangle instead, the rest of the proof proceeding in more or less the same way.

There has been much speculation and debate as to why Euclid added the second conclusion to the theorem, given that it makes the proof more complicated. One plausible explanation, given by Proclus, is that the second conclusion can be used in possible objections to the proofs of later propositions where Euclid does not cover every case. The proof relies heavily on what is today called side-angle-side, the previous proposition in the Elements.

Proclus' variation of Euclid's proof proceeds as follows:
Let ABC be an isosceles triangle with AB and AC being the equal sides. Pick an arbitrary point D on side AB and construct E on AC so that AD=AE. Draw the lines BE, DC and DE.
Consider the triangles BAE and CAD; BA=CA, AE=AD, and  is equal to itself, so by side-angle-side, the triangles are congruent and corresponding sides and angles are equal.
Therefore  and , and BE=CD.
Since AB=AC and AD=AE, BD=CE by subtraction of equal parts.
Now consider the triangles DBE and ECD; BD=CE, BE=CD, and  have just been shown, so applying side-angle-side again, the triangles are congruent.
Therefore angle BDE = angle CED and angle BED = angle CDE.
Since angle BDE = angle CED and angle CDE = angle BED, angle BDC = angle CEB by subtraction of equal parts.
Consider a third pair of triangles, BDC and CEB; DB=EC, DC=EB, and angle BDC = angle CEB, so applying side-angle-side a third time, the triangles are congruent.
In particular, angle CBD = BCE, which was to be proved.

Pappus
Proclus gives a much shorter proof attributed to Pappus of Alexandria. This is not only simpler but it requires no additional construction at all. The method of proof is to apply side-angle-side to the triangle and its mirror image. More modern authors, in imitation of the method of proof given for the previous proposition have described this as picking up the triangle, turning it over and laying it down upon itself.
This method is lampooned by Charles Lutwidge Dodgson in Euclid and his Modern Rivals, calling it an "Irish bull" because it apparently requires the triangle to be in two places at once.

The proof is as follows:
Let ABC be an isosceles triangle with AB and AC being the equal sides.
Consider the triangles ABC and ACB, where ACB is considered a second triangle with vertices A, C and B corresponding respectively to A, B and C in the original triangle.
 is equal to itself, AB=AC and AC=AB, so by side-angle-side, triangles ABC and ACB are congruent.
In particular, .

Others

A standard textbook method is to construct the bisector of the angle at A.
This is simpler than Euclid's proof, but Euclid does not present the construction of an angle bisector until proposition 9. So the order of presentation of the Euclid's propositions would have to be changed to avoid the possibility of circular reasoning.

The proof proceeds as follows:
As before, let the triangle be ABC with AB = AC.
Construct the angle bisector of  and extend it to meet BC at X.
AB = AC and AX is equal to itself.
Furthermore, , so, applying side-angle-side, triangle BAX and triangle CAX are congruent.
It follows that the angles at B and C are equal.

Legendre uses a similar construction in Éléments de géométrie, but taking X to be the midpoint of BC. The proof is similar but side-side-side must be used instead of side-angle-side, and side-side-side is not given by Euclid until later in the Elements.

In inner product spaces

The isosceles triangle theorem holds in inner product spaces over the real or complex numbers.  In such spaces, it takes a form that says of vectors x, y, and z that if

then

Since

and

where θ is the angle between the two vectors, the conclusion of this inner product space form of the theorem is equivalent to the statement about equality of angles.

Etymology and related terms
Another medieval term for the pons asinorum was Elefuga which, according to Roger Bacon, comes from Greek elegia "misery", and Latin fuga "flight", that is "flight of the wretches". Though this etymology is dubious, it is echoed in Chaucer's use of the term "flemyng of wreches" for the theorem.

There are two possible explanations for the name pons asinorum, the simplest being that the diagram used resembles an actual bridge. But the more popular explanation is that it is the first real test in the Elements of the intelligence of the reader and functions as a "bridge" to the harder propositions that follow. Gauss supposedly once espoused a similar belief in the necessity of immediately understanding Euler's identity as a benchmark pursuant to becoming a first-class mathematician.

Similarly, the name Dulcarnon was given to the 47th proposition of Book I of Euclid, better known as the Pythagorean theorem, after the Arabic Dhū 'l qarnain ذُو ٱلْقَرْنَيْن, meaning "the owner of the two horns", because diagrams of the theorem showed two smaller squares like horns at the top of the figure. The term is also used as a metaphor for a dilemma. The theorem was also sometimes called "the Windmill" for similar reasons.

Metaphorical usage
Uses of the pons asinorum as a metaphor include:
Richard Aungerville's Philobiblon contains the passage "Quot Euclidis discipulos retrojecit Elefuga quasi scopulos eminens et abruptus, qui nullo scalarum suffragio scandi posset! Durus, inquiunt, est his sermo; quis potest eum audire?", which compares the theorem to a steep cliff that no ladder may help scale and asks how many would-be geometers have been turned away.
The term pons asinorum, in both its meanings as a bridge and as a test, is used as a metaphor for finding the middle term of a syllogism.
The 18th-century poet Thomas Campbell wrote a humorous poem called "Pons asinorum" where a geometry class assails the theorem as a company of soldiers might charge a fortress; the battle was not without casualties.
Economist John Stuart Mill called Ricardo's Law of Rent the pons asinorum of economics.
Pons Asinorum is the name given to a particular configuration of a Rubik's Cube.
Eric Raymond referred to the issue of syntactically-significant whitespace in the Python programming language as its pons asinorum.
The Finnish aasinsilta and Swedish åsnebrygga is a literary technique where a tenuous, even contrived connection between two arguments or topics, which is almost but not quite a non sequitur, is used as an awkward transition between them. In serious text, it is considered a stylistic error, since it belongs properly to the stream of consciousness- or causerie-style writing. Typical examples are ending a section by telling what the next section is about, without bothering to explain why the topics are related, expanding a casual mention into a detailed treatment, or finding a contrived connection between the topics (e.g. "We bought some red wine; speaking of red liquids, tomorrow is the World Blood Donor Day").
In Dutch, ezelsbruggetje ('little bridge of asses') is the word for a mnemonic. The same is true for the German Eselsbrücke.
In Czech, oslí můstek has two meanings – it can describe either a contrived connection between two topics or a mnemonic.

References

External links

D. E. Joyce's presentation of Euclid's Elements

Category:History of mathematics
Category:Elementary geometry
Category:Latin words and phrases
Category:Articles containing proofs
Category:Euclidean geometry
Category:Theorems in plane geometry


Salati

Salati is a surname.

The Salati surname is generally considered to be of Italian origin. Ancestral records date the surname back many centuries within Italy.

It has been suggested that the ancient root of the Salati surname derives from the Pharaoh Salitis who ruled Egypt and who founded the 15th Dynasty.

Notable people with the surname include:

 Alessandro Salati (    - 1509), Bishop of Minori from 1498 to 1509
 Armando Salati (1884–1963), Italian Vice Consul to the United States
 Enrico Salati (c1790-1869}, Prime Minister of the Duchy of Parma from 1849 to 1859
 Ettore Salati (1974-living), Guitarist, composer, and producer from Milan, Italy
 Giovan M Salati (1796–1879), Napoleonic soldier
 Giuseppe Salati (1847-1930), author of L'Antica Gioi
 Octavio M. Salati (1914–2001), Professor of Electrical Engineering at the University of Pennsylvania

In popular culture

The Salati Case, novel by Tobias Jones, Faber and Faber, 2009,

Baci Salati, Italian film (comedy), Renato Zappala and Antonio Zeta, 2012

References


Vietnam at the 2012 Summer Olympics

Vietnam competed at the 2012 Summer Olympics in London, from July 27 to August 12, 2012. This was the nation's eighth appearance at the Olympics, having missed the 1984 Summer Olympics in Los Angeles, because of its partial support of the Soviet boycott.

The Vietnam Olympic Committee (VOC) sent the nation's largest delegation to the Games since 1980. A total of 18 athletes, 6 men and 12 women, competed in 11 sports. For the first time in its Olympic history, Vietnam was represented by more female than male athletes. This was also the youngest delegation in Vietnam's Olympic history, with half under the age of 24, and many of them were expected to reach their peak in time for the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro. Sixteen athletes competed in their first Olympics, including épée fencer Nguyễn Tiến Nhật, who was the nation's flag bearer at the opening ceremony.

Despite fielding its largest delegation to these games, Vietnam, however, failed to win a single medal. Pistol shooter Hoàng Xuân Vinh and weightlifter Trần Lê Quốc Toàn narrowly missed out on Olympic medals in London, after finishing fourth in their respective sporting events.

Competitors

Athletics

Vietnamese athletes who have so far achieved qualifying standards.

Key
 Note – Ranks given for track events are within the athlete's heat only
 Q = Qualified for the next round
 q = Qualified for the next round as a fastest loser or, in field events, by position without achieving the qualifying target
 NR = National record
 N/A = Round not applicable for the event
 Bye = Athlete not required to compete in round

Women
Track & road events

Field events

Badminton

Vietnam has just qualified one athlete

Fencing

Vietnam has qualified one fencer.
Men

Gymnastics

Vietnam has qualified three athletes

Men

Women

Judo

Rowing

Vietnam has qualified one boat.
Women

Qualification Legend: FA=Final A (medal); FB=Final B (non-medal); FC=Final C (non-medal); FD=Final D (non-medal); FE=Final E (non-medal); FF=Final F (non-medal); SA/B=Semifinals A/B; SC/D=Semifinals C/D; SE/F=Semifinals E/F; QF=Quarterfinals; R=Repechage

Shooting

Vietnam has qualified two athletes

Men

Women

Swimming

Women

Taekwondo

Vietnam has qualified two athletes.

Weightlifting

Vietnam has qualified two athletes

Wrestling

Vietnam has qualified one athlete.

Key:
  - Victory by Fall.
  - Decision by Points - the loser with technical points.
  - Decision by Points - the loser without technical points.

Women's freestyle

See also
Vietnam at the 2012 Summer Paralympics

References

External links
 Vietnam at the 2012 Summer Olympics on Vietnam Olympic Committee's website
 Vietnam at the 2012 Summer Olympics

Summer Olympics
Category:Nations at the 2012 Summer Olympics
2012


Oh, Mayhem!

Oh, Mayhem! is the ninth studio album by Dutch indie rock band Bettie Serveert, released on February 5, 2013 on Palomine Records.

Track listing
 "Shake-Her" – 2:25
 "Mayhem" – 4:05
 "Sad Dog" – 3:58
 "Had2Byou" – 2:21
 "Tuf Skin" – 2:40
 "Monogamous" – 2:23
 "Receiver" (alternative version) – 5:02
 "LoserTrack" – 4:07
 "iPromise – 3:53
 "D.I.Y." – 3:22

Personnel
Carol Van Dyk – vocals, guitar
Peter Visser – guitar
Herman Bunskoeke – bass guitar
Joppe Molenaar – drums

References

Category:Bettie Serveert albums
Category:2013 albums


1982 Colorado gubernatorial election

The 1982 Colorado gubernatorial election was held on November 2, 1982. Incumbent Democrat Richard Lamm defeated Republican nominee John Fuhr with 65.69% of the vote.

Primary elections
Primary elections were held on September 14, 1982.

Democratic primary

Candidates
Richard Lamm, incumbent Governor

Results

Republican primary

Candidates
John Fuhr, former Speaker of the Colorado House of Representatives

Results

General election

Candidates
Major party candidates
Richard Lamm, Democratic
John Fuhr, Republican

Other candidates
Paul K. Grant, Libertarian
Earl F. Dodge Jr., Prohibition
Alan Gummerson, Socialist Workers

Results

References

1982
Colorado


Holger Norman-Hansen

Holger Norman-Hansen (2 January 1899  –  26 March 1984) was a Danish chess master.

Norman-Hansen played for Denmark in Chess Olympiads:
 In the 1st Chess Olympiad at London 1927 (+11 -2 =2);
 In the 2nd Chess Olympiad at The Hague 1928 (+4 -7 =5);
 In the 3rd unofficial Chess Olympiad at Munich 1936 (+8 -6 =5).
He won individual gold medal and team silver medal in 1927.

He was Danish Champion in 1939 after a play-off. He also finished 1st= in 1936 but lost the play-off.

References

Category:1899 births
Category:1984 deaths
Category:Danish chess players
Category:Chess Olympiad competitors
Category:20th-century chess players


Grigorios Vegleris

Grigorios Vegleris was Prince of Samos briefly in 1912, succeeding the assassinated Andreas Kopasis. With the outbreak of the First Balkan War in October 1912, the exiled Samian political leader Themistoklis Sophoulis returned to the island and assumed control, declaring its union with the Kingdom of Greece.

Category:Princes of Samos
Category:1948 deaths


Béatrice-von-Wattenwyl-Haus

The Béatrice-von-Wattenwyl-Haus (also known as the Frisching-Haus) is a town mansion on the Junkerngasse No. 59 in the Old City of Bern, only a few steps away from the Erlacherhof.

The mansion is built up of several medieval houses. This is still visible on the north façade (main entrance) which consists of 3 medieval houses.

Between 1695 and 1710 on the order of its owner, the Bernese patrician Samuel Frisching (II), an ancestor of Franz Rudolf Frisching, the mansion underwent a rebuilt by the architect Joseph Abeille. Abeille restructured the interior of the mansion and added the elegant south façade in the Louis XIV style.

In 1838 the mansion passed through marriage into the von Wattenwyl family. The last private owners of the mansion, the Bernese patricians Béatrice and Jakob Emanuel von Wattenwyl, had no children and bequeathed the mansion to the Swiss Confederation in 1929 which came into effect in 1934 on the death of Jakob Emanuel von Wattenwyl who survived his wife. The mansion is still furnished with the original furniture mainly from the 18th and 19th century as well as many portrait paintings representing members of the Frisching and the von Wattenwyl families. To the mansion belongs the largest terraced garden of any privately built residences in the Old City of Bern.

Nowadays, the mansion is used as the official town residence for ceremonial events by the Swiss Federal Council.

The mansion is open to the public 4 times a year, every first Saturday in January, April, July and October.

Literature
 Monica Bilfinger und Martin Fröhlich: Schweizerische Kunstführer GSK, Band 681: Das Beatrice von Wattenwil-Haus in Bern, Bern 2000,

External links

 Further information and pictures about the Béatrice-von-Wattenwyl-Haus on g26.ch
 Further information and pictures about the Béatrice-von-Wattenwyl-Haus on the website of the administration of the Swiss Confederation

Category:Streets in Bern
Category:Old City of Bern
Category:Official residences in Switzerland


2011–12 East Africa Cup

This was the inaugural edition of the East Africa Cup. Despite the Ugandan teams having some brilliant performances in the 50-over league in the inaugural season, like their T20 counterparts, the Kenyan team had a far better performances than they had in the T20 parallel. Kongonis went all the way to becoming champions, although the final was postponed two times due to rain and heavy showers in Nairobi, the venue of the final, as they scored 280/5 in their first innings (Rakep Patel 92, Duncan Allan 65), and young Kenyan rookie Mithesh Sanghani getting 19 wickets despite his team, Rift Valley Rhinos were eliminated in the group stage. While one of the Ugandan teams, Rwenzori Warriors were eliminated in the league phrase, the other team, Nile Knights were quite soundly defeated by Kongonis in the final. This turned out to be a boost for Kenya, as new, young, fine talent like Sanghani and Peter Kituku were unearthed and were called up to the national team.
The inaugural tournament was a success, with both the East African competitions being up and running, according to Sears. It had some superb competitive cricket, with nearly every team holding an edge over the other. The East African competitions has proved to be a yardstick for national selection, with good performers being called up.

References

Category:Cricket in Kenya
Category:Cricket in Uganda
Category:List A cricket leagues


2009 Louisiana–Monroe Warhawks football team

The 2009 Louisiana–Monroe Warhawks football team represented University of Louisiana at Monroe in the 2009 NCAA Division I FBS football season. The Warhawks, led by seventh-year head coach Charlie Weatherbie, played their home games at Malone Stadium. The Warhawks finished the season 6–6 and 5–3 in Sun Belt play and were bowl eligible but were not invited to a bowl game.

Head coach Charlie Weatherbie was fired at the end of the season after seven seasons and a record of 31–51 and 24–24 in Sun Belt play.

Schedule

References

Louisiana-Monroe Warhawks
Category:Louisiana–Monroe Warhawks football seasons
Lou


Me and Bobby and Bobby's Brother

"Me and Bobby and Bobby's Brother" is a song by ABBA, released on their 1973 album Ring Ring.

Synopsis
The song is about "a woman's reminiscence of her childhood friends".

Critical reception
Abba - Uncensored on the Record said, "the strangely-titled 'Me and Bobby and Bobby's Brother' bears the mark of a relatively inexperienced lyricist", adding that, "Björn swiftly improved on this". It also said the song was, "another fairly typical early ditty that was not unlike Me and Bobby McGee' in melody at times", and that it, "was certainly nothing more than album filler".

 Other versions
 Norwegian singer Hans Petter Hansen recorded a Norwegian-language version in 1976, titled "Gnist og flammer"'' ("Sparks and flames"). While retaining the original structure and music, the rewritten lyrics were about Hansens' former career as a sheet metal worker in the oil industry.

References

Category:1973 songs
Category:ABBA songs
Category:Songs about nostalgia