Effolo

Effolo  is a village in the Assoli Prefecture in the Kara Region  of north-eastern Togo.

References

Category:Populated places in Kara Region
Category:Assoli Prefecture


Ngaa people

The Ngaa people were a community that according to the traditions of many Kenyan communities inhabited regions of the Swahili coast and the Kenyan hinterland at various times times in history.

History

Origins
According to Meru traditions, the people of Ngaa originally lived on an island recalled as Mbwaa or Mbwa. They were later driven out of the island, forcing them to move into the Kenyan hinterland. Certain traditions such as those of the hunting section of the pre-Meru community suggests that this location was in the north of Kenya. These traditions contain explicit portrayals of an 'arid' place where the game hunted included grevys zebra and reticulated giraffe. These species are endemic to the north of Kenya.

Ngaaruni
According to Meru oral literature, the Ngaa identity formed at the point when the migrants from Mbwaa turned "westward" into "what tradition explicitly calls a desert" during their journey. They named this place Ngaaruni (arid place).Tradition records that while at the arid place , the migrants would draw water from what were known in Meru as the "elephant's footsteps". Fadiman notes that this is an "ancient Meru euphemism for areas of shallow papyrus swamp so large they took several days to walk around".

Kirorero
The first of these 'elephant foot-steps' was known as Kirorero (dreaming to a purpose; prophecy). Here the migrants dwelt peacefully for several seasons. The Yaaku and Mukogodo narratives indicate that over the course of this period, the Ngaa people moved south from a location around Southern Ethiopia. See;

 Yaaku people
 Mukogodo people
 Woto

c.1730

Contact with Nilotic communities
In the narratives of various Meru informants, contact with Nilotic communities occurred on the star grass zone or lower forest ranges of Mount Kenya. The totality of traditions indicate that these communities belonged to one or more sections of the Kalenjin-speaking peoples.

Lumbwa
According to Igoji and Imenti informants, the Umpua were a tall, slender, cattle-keeping people. They herded small numbers of cattle and goats and lived solely from the milk and meat of their herds. The Umpua kept their livestock in pits at night. These were dug by the herders themselves and were gradually deepened as mud was removed after the rains. The earth and dung were heaped next to the pit to form a mound, within which the Umpua are recalled as having placed their dead.

Agumba
Meru traditions recorded in Mwimbi and Muthambi recount that the pastoral Lumbwa lived in association with a hunting community remembered as Agumba (or Gumba). The Gumba were said to live in "Agumba pits", large or squarish depressions, located along a line that runs roughly along the zone at 7,000–7,500 feet. This zone delineates the lowest edge of the forest from the highest point in the star-grass zone.

Muku-Ngaa identity
During a period recalled as Kagairo, "perhaps in the late 1730s" the original Ngaa nucleus separated into two segments, each of which took on an identity of its own. One was known as Mukunga (or Muku Ngaa: people of Ngaa) and the other as Murutu. Both these sections are said to have moved in their traditional direction of march. At a point that tradition places near today's Ntugi Hill, however, they fragmented once more. The Muku-Ngaa appear to have divided into four or perhaps five smaller sections.

 One moved northward toward the heavily forested mountains of the Nyambeni range, which stretches northeast from the base of Mount Kenya.
 Three others moved west, into the foothills that make up the lowest portions of modern Igoji, Abogeta (South Imenti), and Abothoguchi (North Imenti).
 The final group drifted south sometime in the 1880's eventually entering that part of the Mwimbi region that lies adjacent to modern Muthambi, seizing this area from the early Cuka.

1836

Nkuthuku age-set
The narrative of the 'elephant's footsteps' notes that during their stay at Kirorero, the initiation of an age-set Nkuthuku occurred and that from this place the migrants moved 'either north or west'. The Nkuthuku Meru period appears analogous to the cognate Lkipiku period (also Il Kipkeku, starting c.1837) of the Sambur who occupied territory adjacent to the Meru at this time. It was also marked by a three-way separation, and it followed the 1830's mutai. This period was marked by an age-set named Il-kipku and followed by the Loikop period. The latter saw the emergence of descendant Kwavi communities who occupied territory north and west of Mount Kenya, one of which was the short-lived Guas'Ngishu.

Thingithu
The second area of swampland large enough to sustain the group was discovered. This was named Thingithu and it supported them for three seasons.Among the actors of the Meru Thingithu was the Ngiithi community, which again finds parallels in the short-lived Uasin Gishu period. This period is further paralleled by the Nithir period of Turkana, where tradition indeed avers that about this time "some far-ranging contingents of Bantu-speaking Meru were absorbed by several Turkana clans".

Loikop fragmentation

According of the traditions recorded by Fadiman, conflict with the Muoko community had been ongoing for "decades". However, a notable period of intense Tigania pressure brought the Muoko within raiding range of the Il Tikirri (recalled in Tigania as Ngiithi) and Mumunyot (recalled as Rimunyo) communities.

Fadiman postulates that the absorption of former foes may have therefore significantly modified Tigania institutions and, indirectly, those of adjacent Meru regions as well.

Following their stay at 'Thingithu', they moved to a third area (Rurii), a fourth (Tubaranya) and a fifth (Irikinu). The later stages of this journey are associated with extreme aridity, the people of Ngaa survived 'only by digging holes ("to the height of two men") in seasonal riverbeds".

At some time during this period the people of Ngaa passed an area remembered as Kiiru (raised place) where "four white peaks" could be seen.

References

Category:Ethnic groups in Kenya


Arrondissements of Paris

The city of Paris is divided into twenty arrondissements municipaux, administrative districts, more simply referred to as arrondissements (). These are not to be confused with departmental arrondissements, which subdivide the 100 French départements. The word "arrondissement", when applied to Paris, refers almost always to the municipal arrondissements listed below.
The number of the arrondissement is indicated by the last two digits in most Parisian postal codes (75001 up to 75020).

Description
The twenty arrondissements are arranged in the form of a clockwise spiral (often likened to a snail shell), starting from the middle of the city, with the first on the Right Bank (north bank) of the Seine.

In French, notably on street signs, the number is often given in Roman numerals. For example, the Eiffel Tower belongs to the VIIe arrondissement while Gare de l'Est is in the Xe arrondissement. In daily speech, people use only the ordinal number corresponding to the arrondissement, e.g. "Elle habite dans le sixième", "She lives in the 6th (arrondissement)".

Arrondissements

Notes:
1. With the Bois de Vincennes
2. Without the Bois de Vincennes
3. With the Bois de Boulogne
4. Without the Bois de Boulogne
5. 2005 is the year of the most recent official estimate; population of these arrondissements may still be growing

Each arrondissement is subdivided administratively into four quartiers. Paris thus has eighty quartiers administratifs, each containing a police station. For a table giving the names of the eighty quartiers, see Quarters of Paris.

History

On 11 October 1795, Paris was divided into twelve arrondissements. They were numbered from west to east, with the numbers 1–9 situated on the Right Bank of the Seine and the numbers 10–12 on the Left Bank. Each arrondissement was subdivided into four quartiers, which corresponded to the 48 original districts created in 1790.

Emperor Napoleon III and the Prefect of the Seine Baron Haussmann developed a plan to incorporate several of the surrounding communes into the Paris jurisdiction in the late 1850s. Parliament passed the necessary legislation in 1859, and the expansion took effect when the law was promulgated on 3 November 1859 (though city taxes were not extended to the new neighborhoods until 1 July 1860). The previous twelve arrondissements were reorganized from twelve arrondissements into twenty. When Haussmann released his plan for the new boundaries and numbering system, residents of Passy objected because it placed them in the new thirteenth arrondissement, and at the time the expression "they were married in the thirteenth" was "a jocular way of referring to non-marital cohabitation". The mayor of Passy, Possoz, devised the idea of a numbering the arrondissements in a spiral pattern beginning with the first centered on the imperial palaces, which put Passy in the sixteenth.

In historical records, when it is important to distinguish between two systems, the original arrondissements are indicated by adding the term ancienne ("former" or "old"), for example, 2ème ancienne or 7ème anc.

Both a city and a département (French national administrative subdivision), Paris has since 1982 and the PLM law (Paris Lyon Marseille law) both a city council and 20 arrondissement councils. The PLM law also set limits to the prerogatives of the mayor of Paris, who has to deal with the powers granted to the prefect of police on security issues. The 20 arrondissement councils (conseils d'arrondissement) are similar in operation to the municipal council (conseil municipal) but with very few powers. Its members are elected at municipal elections in the same way as in municipalities with more than 3,500 inhabitants. The arrondissement council is made up of 2/3 arrondissement councilors and 1/3 of city councilors, elected in the arrondissement but who also sit on the Paris city council. At its first meeting after the elections, each arrondissement council elects its mayor.

List of arrondissements’ mayors 2014–2020

See also
 Arrondissement, for other uses of the term.
 Historical quarters of Paris
 Paris, je t'aime, film composed of five-minute sequences on each arrondissement
 Administration of Paris

References

Bibliography

External links
 Official Paris website
 Website showing location, numbering conventions, and general info for arrondissements

Administration


Ceccaceras

Ceccaceras is an extinct genus of ammonites in the family Ceratitidae. Species are known from the Triassic of United States (Nevada).

References

 Ceccaceras at The Paleobiology Database

Category:Ceratitidae
Category:Ceratitida genera
Category:Fossil taxa described in 2005


1996–97 Divizia B

The 1996–97 Divizia B was the 57th season of Divizia B, the second tier of the Romanian football league system.

The winner of each series of the Divizia B was promoted to the Divizia A. The bottom two teams were relegated to the Divizia C.

Standings

Seria I

Seria II

Goals
24 goals
  Claudiu Niculescu (Electroputere Craiova)

15 goals
  Daniel Bona (Precizia Săcele)

13 goals
  Lucian Marinescu (CSM Reşița)

10 goals
  Pompiliu Stoica (Gloria Buzău)

9 goals
  Mihai Dăscălescu (Corvinul Hunedoara)

8 goals
  Giani Gorga (FC Oneşti)
  Ovidiu Maier (Inter Sibiu)

7 goals
  Sorin Oncică (CFR Cluj)
  Robert Ilyes (Foresta Fălticeni)

6 goals
  Iulian Dăniță (Dunărea Galați)
  Virgil Marşavela (Metrom Braşov)
  Costel Lazăr (Astra Ploieşti)
  Nicolae Constantin (Astra Ploieşti)
  Ionuț Savu (Rocar Bucureşti)

See also
1996–97 Divizia A

References
RomanianSoccer.ro

Category:Liga II seasons
Rom
2


Maud of Boulogne

Maud of Boulogne (Matilda of Boulogne) may refer to:

Matilda of Leuven, countess consort of Boulogne as wife of Eustace I of Boulogne
Matilda I of Boulogne, great-granddaughter of the previous, was reigning countess and queen consort of England, as wife of king Stephen
Mathilde of Flanders, her granddaughter, was duchess consort of Brabant as first wife of Henry I, Duke of Brabant
Matilda II of Boulogne, great-granddaughter of Matilda I and niece of duchess of Brabant, countess and briefly queen consort of Portugal, wife of Afonso III


Rompiendo Fronteras

Rompiendo Fronteras ("Breaking borders") is the name of the fifteenth studio album by Mexican singer Alejandro Fernández. It was released on February 10, 2017 under the Universal Music Group label. The album, Fernández's first in four years, combines the traditional ranchera sound from his earliest repertoire with Latin pop and reggaeton, in particular the collaboration with Colombian band Morat. The album also featured Mexican songwriters Mario Domm and Leonel García. According to AMPROFON, the album sold 60,000 copies in its first week in Mexico, thus certifying it platinum.

Track listing

CD

References

Category:2017 albums
Category:Alejandro Fernández albums


Tribute to Eddie

Tribute to Eddie is the only album by singer Heinz. It is a tribute to Eddie Cochran.

Tracks
Side 1
"Come On and Dance"
"Cut Across Shorty" (M. Wilkin, M. Walker)
"Don't Keep Pickin' at Me" (Meek)
"Hush-A-Bye" (Goddard)
"I Remember"
"Look for a Star" (Mark Anthony)
"My Dreams"
Side 2
"Rumble in the Night"
"Sorry (I Ran All the Way Home)"
"Summertime Blues" (Cochran, Capehart)
"Three Steps to Heaven" (E. Cochran, B. Cochran)
"Tribute to Eddie"
"Twenty Flight Rock" (Cochran, Fairchild)
"Just Like Eddie" (Goddard)

Category:1964 debut albums
Category:Decca Records albums
Category:Heinz (singer) albums


Politics of Cluj-Napoca

The last general local election was held on 5 June 2016. The threshold was 5%. On the 15 February 2009, a by-election was held for the office of Mayor of Cluj-Napoca, following the nomination of the previous Mayor, Emil Boc as Prime-Minister.

List of mayors

Mayor and Municipal Council election 2000

 colspan=5 align=center|Summary of the June 2000 Cluj Napoca Local election results
|-
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=left colspan=2|Parties and alliances
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Votes
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|%
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Seats
|-
| |
|Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania (Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România)
|align="right" |31618
|align="right" |22.50
|align="right" |8
|-
| |
|Greater Romania Party (Partidul România Mare)
|align="right" |30762
|align="right" |21.89
|align="right" |8
|-
| |
|Party of Social Democracy in Romania, now Social Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat)
|align="right" valign=top|16605
|align="right" valign=top|11.81
|align="right"  valign=top|5
|-
|
|Convenţia Democrată Română (Convenţia Democrată Română)
|align="right" valign=top|10264
|align="right" valign=top|7.30
|align="right"  valign=top|3
|-
|
|Romanian National Unity Party
|align="right" valign=top|?(no data)
|align="right" valign=top|?(no data)
|align="right"  valign=top|3
|-
| |
|National Liberal Party (Partidul Naţional Liberal)
|align="right" |5432
|align="right" |3.86
|align="right" |2
|-
|
|Party of Alliance for Romania
|align="right" |4606
|align="right" |3.26
|align="right" |2
|-
|style="background-color:#E9E9E9" colspan=2|Total (turnout 54.5%)
|width="75" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|31
|-
|}

Mayor and Municipal Council election 2004

 colspan=5 align=center|Summary of the 6 June 2004 Cluj Napoca Local election results
|-
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=left colspan=2|Parties and alliances
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Votes
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|%
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Seats
|-
| |
|Justice and Truth Alliance (Alianţa Dreptate si Adevăr)
National Liberal Party (Partidul Naţional Liberal)
Democratic Party (Partidul Democrat)
|align="right" valign=top|43823
|align="right" valign=top|29.57
|align="right"  valign=top|9
|-
| |
|Greater Romania Party(Partidul România Mare)
|align="right" |30864
|align="right" |20.82
|align="right" |6
|-
| |
|Social Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat)
|align="right" valign=top|30457
|align="right" valign=top|20.55
|align="right"  valign=top|6
|-
| |
|Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania (Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România)
|align="right" |28172
|align="right" |19.01
|align="right" |6
|-
| |
|Humanist Party of Romania, now Conservative Party (Partidul Conservator)
|align="right" |2963
|align="right" |2.0
|align="right" |-
|-
|
|Romanian National Unity Party
|align="right" |2015
|align="right" |1.36
|align="right" |-
|-
| |
|Christian-Democratic National Peasants' Party
|align="right" |1393
|align="right" |0.94
|align="right" |-
|-
|style="background-color:#E9E9E9" colspan=2|Total (turnout %)
|width="75" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|27
|-
|}

Mayor and Municipal Council election 2008

Bolded names represent the parties that entered the Local Council.

 colspan=5 align=center|Summary of the 1 June 2008 Cluj Napoca Local election results
|-
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=left colspan=2|Parties and alliances
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Votes
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|%
!style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Seats
|-
| |
|Democratic Liberal Party (Partidul Democrat)
|align="right" |
|align="right" |
|align="right" |16
|-
| |
|Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania(Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România)
|align="right" |
|align="right" |
|align="right" |5
|-
| |
|National Liberal Party (Partidul Naţional Liberal)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|3
|-
| |
|Social Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat)
|align="right" |
|align="right" |
|align="right" |3
|-
| |
|Greater Romania Party(Partidul România Mare)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|Conservative Party (Partidul Conservator)
|align="right" |
|align="right" |
|align="right" |0
|-
|
|Christian Social Popular Union (Uniunea Populară Social Creştină)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|PP (')
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|Green Party (Partidul Verde)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|
|-
| |
|National Initiative Party (Partidul Iniţiativa Naţionalã)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
|
|(PCM)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
|
|(UPSS)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|Socialist Alliance Party (PAS)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|Ecologist Party of Romania (PER)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
|
|(PRE)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
| |
|Christian-Democratic National Peasants' Party(Partidul Naţional Ţărănesc Creştin Democrat)
|align="right" |
|align="right" |
|align="right" |0
|-
| |
|(PNG-CD)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
|
|Valentin Guia (independent)
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right" valign=top|
|align="right"  valign=top|0
|-
|style="background-color:#E9E9E9" colspan=2|Total (turnout %)
|width="75" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|27|-
|}

 Mayoral by-election, 2009

 colspan=4 align=center|Summary of the 15 February 2009 Cluj-Napoca Local partial election results
|-
! style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=left colspan=2|Candidates - Parties and alliances
! style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|Votes
! style="background-color:#E9E9E9" align=right|%
|-
| |
| Sorin Apostu - Democratic Liberal Party (Partidul Democrat-Liberal)| align="right" valign=top|49,234| align="right" valign=top|56|-
| |
| Marius Nicoară - National Liberal Party (Partidul Naţional Liberal)
| align="right" |
| align="right" | 23
|-
| |
| Teodor Pop-Puscas - PSD+PC Alliance (Alianţa PSD+PC)
| align="right" valign=top|
| align="right" valign=top|
|-
| |
| Sorin Oancea - Christian-Democratic National Peasants' Party (Partidul Naţional Ţărănesc Creştin Democrat)
| align="right" |
| align="right" |
|-
| |
| Gheorghe Oros - Socialist Alliance Party (Partidul Alianţa Socialistă)
| align="right" |
| align="right" |
|-
| |
| Gheorghe Aştileanu - New Generation Party – Christian Democratic (PArtidul Noua Generaţie - Creştin Democrat)
| align="right" |
| align="right" |
|-
| |
| Gergely Balasz - Hungarian Civic Party (Partidul Civic Maghiar)
| align="right" valign=top|
| align="right" valign=top|
|-
| |
| Laszlo Csaba - Green Party (Partidul Verde)
| align="right" valign=top|
| align="right" valign=top|
|-
| bgcolor="gray"|
| Grigore Pop - Independent
| align="right" valign=top|
| align="right" valign=top|
|-
| style="background-color:#E9E9E9" colspan=2|Total: 274,300 (turnout 30.19%)
| width="75" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
| width="30" align="right" style="background-color:#E9E9E9"|
|-
|}

 Mayor and Municipal Council election 2012 Bolded names represent the parties that gained seats in the Cluj-Napoca Local Council.

 colspan=5 align=center|Summary of the 10 June 2012 Cluj-Napoca Local Council election results
|-
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = left colspan = 2 | Parties and alliances
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = right | Votes
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = right | %
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = right | Seats
|-
| |
| Social Liberal Union (Uniunea Social Liberală)
| align = right valign = top | 51,831
| align = right valign = top | 39.65
| align = right valign = top | 12
|-
| |
| Democratic Liberal Party (Partidul Democrat Liberal)
| align = right | 43,495| align = right | 33.27| align = right | 10|-
| |
| Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania (Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România)
| align = right | 16,911
| align = right | 12.93
| align = right | 4
|-
| |
| People's Party - Dan Diaconescu (Partidul Poporului - Dan Diaconescu)
| align = right | 7,413| align = right | 5.67| align = right | 1|-
| |
| Christian-Democratic National Peasants' Party (Partidul Naţional Ţărănesc Creştin Democrat)
| align = right | 2,183
| align = right | 1.67
| align = right | 0
|-
| |
| Hungarian People's Party in Transylvania (Partidul Popular Maghiar din Transilvania)
| align = right valign = top | 2,158
| align = right valign = top | 1.65
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Greater Romania Party (Partidul România Mare)
| align = right valign = top | 2,136
| align = right valign = top | 1.63
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Ecologist Party of Romania (Partidul Ecologist Român)
| align = right valign = top | 1,454
| align = right valign = top | 1.11
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| National Union for the Advancement of Romania (Uniunea Națională pentru Progresul României)
| align = right valign = top | 799
| align = right valign = top | 0.61
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Romanian Socialist Party (Partidul Socialist Român)
| align = right valign = top | 456
| align = right valign = top | 0.34
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Green Party (Partidul Verde)
| align = right valign = top | 446
| align = right valign = top | 0.34
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| People's Party (Cojocaru Law) (Partidul Poporului (Legea Cojocaru))
| align = right valign = top | 424
| align = right valign = top | 0.32
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Romanian Ecologist Union Party (Partidul Uniunea Ecologistă din România)
| align = right valign = top | 367
| align = right valign = top | 0.28
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
|
| Gipsy Democratic Civic Alliance (Alianța Civică Democratică a Rromilor)
| align = right valign = top | 304
| align = right valign = top | 0.23
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
|
| Party of the Roma (Asociația Partida Romilor "Pro-Europa")
| align = right valign = top | 208
| align = right valign = top | 0.15
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| |
| Socialist Alliance Party (Partidul Alianța Socialistă)
| align = right valign = top | 117
| align = right valign = top | 0.08
| align = right valign = top | 0
|-
| style = background-color:#E9E9E9 colspan = 2 | Total (turnout %) Biroul Electoral Central - Alegerile locale 2012
| width = 75 align = right style = background-color:#E9E9E9 | 307,532
| width = 30 align = right style = background-color:#E9E9E9 | 100
| width = 30 align = right style = background-color:#E9E9E9 | 27|-
|}

 colspan=5 align=center|Summary of the 10 June 2012 Cluj-Napoca Mayor election results
|-
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = left colspan = 2 | Parties and alliances
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = left | Candidate
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = right | Votes
! style = background-color:#E9E9E9 align = right | %
|-
| |
| Democratic Liberal Party (Partidul Democrat Liberal)
| Emil Boc
| align = right | 53,674
| align = right | 40.60
|-
| |
| Social Liberal Union (Uniunea Social Liberală)
| Marius Nicoară
| align = right valign = top | 52,251
| align = right valign = top | 39.53
|-
| |
| Hungarian Democratic Union of Romania (Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România)
| Péter Eckstein-Kovács
| align = right | 12,225
| align = right | 9.24
|-
| |
| People's Party - Dan Diaconescu (Partidul Poporului - Dan Diaconescu)
| Iuliu Țăgorean
| align = right | 4,689
| align = right | 3.54
|-
| |
| Independent
| Mircia Giurgiu
| align = right | 3,368
| align = right | 2.54
|-
| |
| Hungarian People's Party in Transylvania (Partidul Popular Maghiar din Transilvania)
| Balazs Gergely
| align = right valign = top | 1,523
| align = right valign = top | 1.15
|-
| |
| Independent
| Mădălina Paul
| align = right | 1,245
| align = right | 0.94
|-
| |
| Greater Romania Party (Partidul România Mare)
| Ioan Avram
| align = right valign = top | 1.221
| align = right valign = top | 0.92
|-
| |
| Christian-Democratic National Peasants' Party (Partidul Naţional Ţărănesc Creştin Democrat)
| Emil Culda
| align = right | 1,064
| align = right | 0.80
|-
| |
| People's Party (Cojocaru Law) (Partidul Poporului (Legea Cojocaru))
| Dalia Fodor
| align = right valign = top | 395
| align = right valign = top | 0.29
|-
| |
| Ecologist Party of Romania (Partidul Ecologist Român)
| Elmer Antal
| align = right valign = top | 385
| align = right valign = top | 0.29
|-
| |
| Romanian Socialist Party (Partidul Socialist Român)
| Liliana Iancu
| align = right valign = top | 135
| align = right valign = top | 0.10
|-
| style = background-color:#E9E9E9 colspan = 3 | Total (turnout %) Biroul Electoral Central - Alegerile locale 2012 (p. 164)
| width = 75 align = right style = background-color:#E9E9E9 | 307,532
| width = 30 align = right style = background-color:#E9E9E9 | 100
|-
|}

Category:Cluj-Napoca
Category:Local government in Romania


2014 North Carolina Tar Heels football team

The 2014 North Carolina Tar Heels football team represented the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in the 2014 NCAA Division I FBS football season. The team was led by third-year head coach Larry Fedora and played their home games at Kenan Memorial Stadium. The Tar Heels competed as a member of the Atlantic Coast Conference in the Coastal Division. They finished the season 6–7, 4–4 in ACC play to finish in a tie for third place in the Coastal Division. They were invited to the Quick Lane Bowl where they lost to Rutgers.

Coaching staff

North Carolina head coach Larry Fedora entered his third year as the North Carolina's head coach for the 2014 season. Seth Littrell was hired to be the team's assistant head coach for offense and tight ends coach. Keith Heckendorf, formerly UNC’s player development assistant, became the team's quarterbacks coach. Larry Porter was hired to coach running backs and previously coached running backs at Arizona State, Louisiana State and Oklahoma State, among other schools, before spending the 2013 season at Texas. He also was the head coach at Memphis in 2010 and 2011.

Schedule

Schedule Source:

Game summaries

Liberty

San Diego State

East Carolina

Clemson

Virginia Tech

Notre Dame

Georgia Tech

Virginia

Miami (FL)

Pittsburgh

Duke

NC State

Rutgers (Quick Lane Bowl)

Rankings

References

North Carolina Tar Heels
Category:North Carolina Tar Heels football seasons
Tar Heels


Night Hawk (album)

Night Hawk is an album by saxophonists Coleman Hawkins with Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis recorded at the end of 1960 and released on the Swingville label.

Reception

The AllMusic site awarded the album 4 stars stating "Hawkins was one of the main inspirations of his fellow tenor Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis, so it was logical that they would one day meet up in the recording studio. This CD has many fine moments from these two highly competitive jazzmen".

Track listing
 "Night Hawk" (Coleman Hawkins) – 10:30
 "There Is No Greater Love" (Isham Jones, Marty Symes) – 8:15
 "In a Mellow Tone" (Duke Ellington, Milt Gabler) – 6:45
 "Don't Take Your Love from Me" (Henry Nemo) – 8:35
 "Pedalin'" (Ken McIntyre) – 6:35

Personnel
 Coleman Hawkins, Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis – tenor saxophone
 Tommy Flanagan – piano
 Ron Carter – bass
 Gus Johnson – drums

References

Category:Coleman Hawkins albums
Category:Eddie "Lockjaw" Davis albums
Category:1961 albums
Category:Albums recorded at Van Gelder Studio
Category:Swingville Records albums
Category:Albums produced by Esmond Edwards


Controversies surrounding the Legion of Christ

There are several controversies surrounding the Legion of Christ and Regnum Christi, including aggressive recruiting practices, elitism, rampant sexual abuse scandals of minors, and having multi-million dollar offshore holdings in tax havens.

Restricted work in dioceses
In the United States, after the sexual scandal regarding the founder, beginning in 2002 a few bishops restricted the Legion and Regnum Christi in Columbus, Ohio; St Paul-Minneapolis, Minnesota; Richmond, Virginia; and Miami, Florida.

In June 2008, the former Archbishop Edwin O'Brien of Baltimore began to require greater oversight of the Legion in his archdiocese. He had particularly objected to its alleged practice of "blind allegiance", lack of "respect for human dignity for each of its members," and "heavily persuasive methods on young people, especially high schoolers, regarding vocations." He had since directed them to disclose all activities within the Archdiocese of Baltimore, and to refrain from spiritual direction with anyone under eighteen years of age. He later stated that the Legionaries fully complied with his orders.

Since the outbreak of the scandal of the founder, the Legion of Christ underwent a Vatican investigation.  This led to a renewal of the congregation under Cardinal De Paolis.  In 2014, the five-year process culminated in a new set of constitutions and new leadership.

Elitism and exclusivity
Legionary seminaries said that students were from a broad variety of backgrounds. The congregation's mission was described as Christianizing society through the formation and evangelization of leaders. The old Regnum Christi Member Handbook stated: "The Movement understands that for this action to be most effective it must give Christian formation to and apostolically mobilize the men and women that exercise greater leadership in society, in its religious, cultural, intellectual, social, economic, human, artistic, and other sectors."

Sexual abuse scandal

The sexual scandal of the group's founder, Father Marcial Maciel, involved accusations that he sexually abused minors and fathered children.  Marciel was a Mexican priest and the leader of the Legion of Christ for many decades. The scandal was linked with the wider series of Catholic sex abuse cases affecting the Catholic church.

In March, 2010, the Legion of Christ in a communique acknowledged that "reprehensible actions" by Maciel, including sexual abuse actually happened. The communique stated that "given the gravity of his faults, we cannot take his person as a model of Christian or priestly life." At first the Legion had denied allegations and since 2006 had not made an official statement one way or the other.

Formal denunciation of Maciel by the Vatican
In 2010 The Vatican named a delegate to review the Legionaries of Christ following revelations that the order's founder is suspected of abuse of minors and fathered at least three children. In a statement, the Vatican denounced the Rev. Marciel Maciel for creating a "system of power" that enabled him to lead an "immoral" double life "devoid of scruples and authentic religious sentiment." The Vatican issued the statement after Pope Benedict XVI met with five bishops who investigated the Legion to determine its future. The Vatican statement was remarkable in its tough denunciation of Maciel's crimes and deception.

The "very serious and objectively immoral acts" of Fr. Marcial Maciel which were "confirmed by incontrovertible testimonies" represent "true crimes and manifest a life without scruples or authentic religious sentiment," the Vatican said. The Vatican said Fr. Marcial Maciel created a "mechanism of defense" around himself to shield him from accusations of abuse. "It made him untouchable," the Vatican said. The statement decried "the lamentable disgracing and expulsion of those who doubted" Maciel's virtue. Actions taken by the current Legion leadership will be scrutinized; but no specific sanctions were mentioned.  The Vatican acknowledged the "hardships" faced by Maciel's accusers through the years when they were ostracized or ridiculed, and commended their "courage and perseverance to demand the truth."

As a result of the visitation, Benedict XVI named Archbishop (now Cardinal) Velasio De Paolis as the Papal Delegate to oversee the Legion and its governance, and review the constitutions on July 9, 2010.

ReGAIN lawsuit
In August 2007, the Legion filed a lawsuit against ReGAIN, an organization founded by ex-Legionaries critical of Legion practices and its founder Marcial Maciel. The lawsuit alleges that written property of the Legion, including letters written by Maciel and copies of unpublished principles and norms "intended only for dissemination and use by Legion members" were stolen and posted online "out of context ... as part of a concerted effort to wage a malicious disinformation campaign against the Legion."  The Legion has pleaded that the value of the alleged stolen property is "worth at least $750,000."

The president of ReGAIN has asserted that, to the best of his knowledge, "nothing was obtained improperly," and expressed the opinion that the lawsuit request for information on anonymous message board posters was an action "proving that the Legion is a cult which controls information, stifles freedom of expression, and goes after dissenters."

At the conclusion of the lawsuit, the internet discussion board xlcrc.com about the Legion and its activities was taken down.

Apostolic visitation
The controversies stem from the order's late founder, Fr. Marcial Maciel.  The Vatican has ordered an apostolic visitation of the institutions of the Legionaries of Christ following disclosures of sexual impropriety by Fr. Marcial Maciel. The announcement of the unusual investigation by the Vatican was posted on the web site of the Legionaries of Christ on March 31, 2009, along with the text of a letter informing the Legionaries of the Pope's decision.

On June 27, 2009, according to Vatican commentator Sandro Magister, Vatican authorities named five bishops from five different countries, each one in charge of investigating the Legionaries in a particular part of the world. They were Bishops Ricardo Watti Urquidi of Mexico, Charles J. Chaput of the United States, Giuseppe Versaldi of Italy, Ricardo Ezzati Andrello of Chile, and Ricardo Blázquez Pérez, (:es:Ricardo Blázquez) of Spain.

Offshore Holdings in Tax Havens
The Legion of Christ's multi-million dollar offshore holdings, long the source of speculation given the order's studied cultivation of wealthy donors and fast expansion, were revealed in the so-called Paradise Papers leak in November 2017.

Further cases of Sexual Abuse

Sexual abuse by Fr. William Izquierdo admitted by the Legion
In December 2013, the National Catholic Register published a report on a statement by the Legion, admitting that an investigation concluded that Fr. Guillermo "William" Izquierdo, LC, had sexually abused a minor while director of novices at its center in Cheshire, CT, between 1982 and 1994. The minor involved was a novice under his guidance, and charges were not conclusively investigated until Fr. Luis Garza Medina, LC, then Territorial Director of North America, was informed in July 2012.

Garza stated that Izquierdo's health had declined since 2008, through dementia, and that he was "unable to respond to questions about the allegations."

Izquierdo was one of the first seminarians recruited from Spain, along with an identical twin brother who as of 2013 was still in active ministry in South America. Sources inside the Legion say that both had been close to Maciel in the early years of the congregation and loyal to him during his removal on allegations of drug abuse, though it is not known if Maciel sexually abused them.

Guillermo Izquierdo has also been accused of another instance of sexual abuse, though not of a minor. The alleged victim was also a novice under his guidance in Connecticut.

Sexual abuse accusations against Fr. Luis Garza and Fr. Jose Sabin
In October 2016, accusations against Fr. Luis Garza and Fr. Jose Sabin surfaced that they both sexually abused a teenage boy in the early 1990s at a Legion of Christ house of formation.

External links
Jason Berry "Did Second Most Powerful Man at Top Catholic Order Sexually Abuse Teenage Boy?" The Daily Beast November 5, 2016

References

Category:Legion of Christ
Category:Regnum Christi
Category:21st-century controversies


Waheed Mohammed Taher

Waheed Mohammed Taher (born October 11, 1982) is Qatari footballer who is a defensive midfielder . He is a member of the Qatar national football team.

References

External links
FIFA.com profile
Goalzz.com profile

Category:1982 births
Category:Living people
Category:Qatari footballers
Category:Qatar international footballers
Category:Al-Sailiya SC players
Category:Al Ahli SC (Doha) players
Category:Al-Rayyan SC players
Category:Al-Wakrah SC players
Category:Qatar Stars League players
Category:Qatari Second Division players

Category:Association football midfielders


Superarchitettura

Superarchitettura is a theoretical & conceptual framework, whose physical definition has been given at the homonymous 1966 exhibition, held at Jolly2, an art gallery of Pistoia, Italy.

According to the Radical Manifesto, "Superarchitettura is the architecture of superproduction, superconsumption, superinduction to consume, the supermarket, the superman, super gas".

Superarchitettura is the overcoming of centuries of constant and consistent art vision. It is the overtaking of ancient artistic pratiques in favour of new avant-gardes, the Sixties so-called "neo avant-gardes".

Superarchitettura's movement combined the inventiveness of Pop Art with the dynamics of mass production (for the latter, see its definition according to Mackintosh' ideas and conceptions).

Archizoom and Superstudio
The Superarchitettura theoretical framework, part of the Radical Design movement, after its beginning, got split up in two main philosophical entities and interpretations, the first incarnated by Archizoom Associati, the second by Superstudio. Archizoom and Superstudio held the Exhibition. Such event represented a milestone in the Italian Radical Design.

According to the first group (to which belonged "free thinkers" -architects and designers- like Andrea Branzi, Gilberto Corretti, Paolo Deganello, Massimo Morozzi, Dario Bartolini and Lucia Bartolini), in order to get away from Tradition, men must overturn conventions and exalt everything kitsch as a statement of aesthetic and ideological challenge.

On the other side, according to the second group (to which belonged Adolfo Natalini, Cristiano Toraldo di Francia, Piero Frassinelli, Alessandro Magris and Roberto Magris), to run away from Tradition, a new architecture must be imagined and created, which must be based on rejecting the impositions of production in favour of symbolic, dreamy values, which can ideologically fit into the landscape.

Anti-Design as the Sinthesis
These two philosophical interpretations of the Radical Design being conceivable as Socrates' "Thesis" and "Antithesis", its overcoming brought to a very peculiar "Synthesis". Such was the Anti-Design framework, son of such dispute.

Archizoom in particular is today considered the initiator of Anti-Design. Its members questioned from the ground the traditional status-function and basic-nature of design, as well as that of the architectural production.

Resources
Lang, Peter and Menking, William: "Superstudio. Life Without Objects", Skira, Milan, 2003
Fiell, Charlotte and Peter, "Design of the 20th Century", TASCHEN Icons Series - Turtleback, 2001
Branzi, Andrea: "Radical Notes", Casabella, n. 399, March 1975.
Tafuri, Manfredo and Dal Co, Francesco: "Internazionale dell'utopia, Architettura contemporanea", Electa, Milan, 1976.
Rouillard,Dominique: "Radical architettura", in "Tschumi, une architecture en projet: Le Fresnoy", Ed. Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, 1993.
Pettena, Gianni: "Archipelago, architettura sperimentale 1959-99", Maschietto&musolino, Florence, 1999.
 Prestinenza Puglisi,Luigi: "This is tomorrow. Avanguardie e architettura contemporanea", Testo&Immagine, Turin, 1999.
 Patrizia Mello, "Neoavanguardie e controcultura a Firenze. Il movimento Radical e i protagonisti di un cambiamento storico internazionale", Angelo Pontecorboli, Firenze, 2017.

Category:Italian art movements


Annorikkal

Annorikkal is a Malayalam movie released in 2005, directed by Sarathchandran Wayanad and starring Sunil Kumar (alias Narain), Kavya Madhavan, Kalabhavan Mani, Sajeed Puthalath, Murali & Others. The music is by
Kaithapram Vishwanathan

Plot
Ponnu (Kavya Madhavan) is a typical self-made village girl. She  has survived odds after her father's murder when she was just a child. A vivacious girl with a mind of her own, she does everything under the sun—from rearing goats, milking cows to gathering firewood and cow dung in order to repay her father's debts. So he fills the surroundings with stereotypes: There is a villainous Tamil moneylender Pandi (Kalabhavan Mani), a deceptive father figure (Murali) and film-crazy lover-boy Benny (Sunil Kumar alias Narain). Pandi has an eye on Ponnu. He employs the age-old tactic of moneylenders and a debt trap to get her. He is assisted in this by Vijayaraghavan (Ponnu's father's buddy). Benny comes to her rescue and kills Pandi's brother after a languorous fist fight just before the interval.  After that, everything goes haywire. The focus shift to the jail, where lover-boy is undergoing rigorous imprisonment for six years on charges of murder. He suffered several atrocities at the hands of jail warden and a born criminal Jonny (Sajeed puthalath). His cellmates are hardcore criminals and he has to fight injustices there.

Cast
Kavya Madhavan as Ponnammu
Narain as Benny Varghese
Kalabhavan Mani as Paandi
Mala Aravindan as Anthony
Remya Nambeesan as Beena Varghese
Murali as Varghese
Ambika as Karthu
Ramu as Balan
Sajeed puthalath as Johny
Vijayaraghavan as Velayudhan
Vijeesh as Gopalan Kurup
Prasanth as Haridas
Ambika Mohan as Eliyamma  Varghese
Ponnamma Babu as Kumatham
Mamukkoya

References

Category:2000s Malayalam-language films
Category:Indian films


Women's suffrage in states of the United States

Women's suffrage in states of the United States refers to women's right to vote in individual states of that country.  Suffrage was established on a full or partial basis by various towns, counties, states and territories during the latter decades of the 19th century and early part of the 20th century. As women received the right to vote in some places, they began running for public office and gaining positions as school board members, county clerks, state legislators, judges, and, in the case of Jeannette Rankin, as a Member of Congress.

The campaign to establish women's right to vote in the states was conducted simultaneously with the campaign for an amendment to the United States Constitution that would establish that right fully in all states. That campaign succeeded with the ratification of Nineteenth Amendment in 1920.

Background

The demand for women's suffrage began to gather strength in the 1840s, emerging from the broader movement for women's rights.   The Seneca Falls Convention, the first women's rights convention, generated a national debate by endorsing women's suffrage in 1848.  By the time of the National Women's Rights Convention of 1851, the right to vote had become a central demand of the movement.

The first national suffrage organizations were established in 1869 when two competing organizations were formed, each campaigning for suffrage at both the state and national levels.  The National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA), led by Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, was especially interested in national suffrage amendment.  The American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA), led by Lucy Stone, tended to work more for suffrage at the state level.
They merged in 1890 as the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA).

Prospects for a national amendment looked dim at the turn of the century, and progress at the state level had slowed.
In the 1910s, however, the drive for a national amendment was revitalized, and the movement achieved a series of successes at the state level.  The newly formed National Woman's Party (NWP), a militant organization led by Alice Paul, focused almost exclusively on the national amendment.  The larger NAWSA, under the leadership of Carrie Chapman Catt, also made the suffrage amendment its top priority.
In September 1918, President Wilson spoke before the Senate, asking for the suffrage amendment to be approved.  The amendment was approved by Congress in 1919 and by the required number of states a year later.

States and regions

West

On the whole, western states and territories were more favorable to women's suffrage than eastern states. It has been suggested that western areas, faced with a shortage of women on the frontier, "sweetened the deal" in order to make themselves more attractive to women so as to encourage female immigration or that they gave the vote as a reward to those women already there. Susan B. Anthony said that western men were more chivalrous than their eastern brethren.  In 1871 Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton toured several western states, with special attention to the territories of Wyoming and Utah where women already had equal suffrage. Their suffragist speeches were often ridiculed or denounced by the opinion makers: the politicians, ministers, and editors. Anthony returned to the West in 1877, 1895, and 1896. By the last trip, at age 76, Anthony's views had gained popularity and respect. Activists concentrated on the single issue of suffrage and went directly to the opinion makers to educate them and to persuade them to support the goal of suffrage.

By 1920 when women got the vote nationwide, Wyoming women had already been voting for half a century.

Kansas
In March 1867, the Kansas legislature decided to include two suffrage referenda in that year's November election.  If approved by the voters, one would enfranchise African Americans and the other would enfranchise women. The proposal for the referendum on women's suffrage, the first in the U.S., originated with state senator Sam Wood, leader of a rebel faction of the state Republican Party.  Wood had moved to Kansas to oppose the extension of slavery into that state.

The American Equal Rights Association (AERA) actively supported both referenda.  The AERA, which advocated suffrage for both women and blacks, had been formed in 1866 by abolitionists and women's rights activists. Lucy Stone and her husband Henry Blackwell launched the AERA campaign in Kansas. In April they assisted with the formation of a state organization called the Impartial Suffrage Association, which was led by Charles L. Robinson, a former governor who was Stone's brother's brother-in-law, and Sam Wood.
Olympia Brown arrived in Kansas on July 1 to relieve Stone and Blackwell as leader of the AERA campaign, handling that task almost single-handedly until Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton arrived in September.  The AERA could not afford to send more activists because money that had expected to support their campaign had been blocked by Wendell Phillips, a leading abolitionist.  Although he supported women's rights, Phillips believed that suffrage for African American men was the key issue of the day, and he objected to mixing the issues of suffrage for blacks and women.

The AERA had hoped for assistance from the Kansas Republican Party.  The Republicans instead decided to support suffrage for black men only and formed an "Anti Female Suffrage Committee" to oppose those who were campaigning for women's suffrage.
By the end of summer the AERA campaign had almost collapsed under the weight of Republican hostility, and its finances were exhausted.

Anthony and Stanton created a storm of controversy by accepting help during the last two and a half weeks of the campaign from George Francis Train, a Democrat, a wealthy businessman and a flamboyant speaker who supported women's rights. Train, however, also openly disparaged the integrity and intelligence of African Americans, supporting women's suffrage partly in the belief that the votes of women would help contain the political power of blacks.
The usual procedure was for Anthony to speak first, declaring that the ability to vote rightfully belonged to both women and blacks.  Train would speak next, declaring that it would be an outrage for blacks to vote but not women also.
The willingness of Anthony and Stanton to work with Train alienated many AERA members. This was due partly to Train's attitude toward blacks and partly to his harsh attacks on the Republican Party: he made no secret of his desire to blemish its progressive image and create splits within it. Many reformers were loyal to the national Republican Party, which had provided political leadership for the elimination of slavery and was still in the difficult process of consolidating that victory.

Suffrage for women was defeated in the November election by 19,857 votes to 9,070; suffrage for blacks was defeated 19,421 to 10,483.
The tension created by the failed AERA campaign in Kansas contributed to the growing split in the women's suffrage movement.

In 1887, suffrage for women was secured for municipal elections. A referendum for full suffrage was defeated in 1894, despite the rural syndication of the pro-suffragist The Farmer's Wife newspaper and a better-concerted, but fractured campaign. A third referendum campaign in 1911-1912 gained even greater support, with supporters delivering 100 petitions with 25,000 signatures to Topeka. The fact that Kansas had already banned saloons since 1880 had severely weakened the anti-suffrage opposition by eliminating their traditional voter base of saloon patrons. The 1911-1912 pro-suffrage proposers also conducted a less-perceivably-antagonistic campaign among male voters. The pro-suffrage side finally secured a women's suffrage amendment, and Kansas became the eighth state to allow for full suffrage for women. Suffrage was passed in Kansas largely spurred by a speech, the first Kansas state resolution endorsing woman's suffrage, made by Judge Granville Pearl Aikman at a Republican state convention. Aikman would go on to appoint the nation's first female bailiff and empanel Kansas' first (the nation's second after San Francisco) all-female jury.

Wyoming

The first territorial legislature of the Wyoming Territory granted women suffrage in 1869. On September 6, 1870, Louisa Ann Swain of Laramie, Wyoming became the first woman to cast a vote in a general election. In 1890, Wyoming, with a Republican governor and Democratic legislature, insisted it would not accept statehood without keeping women's suffrage. When the U.S. Congress demanded Wyoming rescind the right of women to vote as a condition of statehood, the Wyoming legislature fired back in a telegram: “We will remain out of the Union one hundred years rather than come in without the women.” Congress gave in, and thus, in becoming the 44th state, Wyoming became the first state in which women could vote.

Utah

The prevalence of Mormonism in Utah made the fight for women's suffrage there unique. In 1869 the Utah Territory, controlled by members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church), gave women the right to vote. Sarah Young, the niece of Brigham Young, was the first woman to legally vote in the United States, due to a municipal election held on February 14, 1869 (Wyoming had recognized women's right to vote earlier that year, but had not yet held an election). However, in 1887, Congress disenfranchised Utah women with the Edmunds–Tucker Act, which was designed to weaken the Mormons politically and punish them for polygamy. At the same time, however, certain activists, particularly Presbyterians and other Protestants convinced that Mormonism was a non-Christian cult that grossly mistreated women, promoted women's suffrage in Utah as an experiment, and as a way to eliminate polygamy.  The LDS Church officially ended its endorsement of polygamy in 1890 and in 1895 Utah adopted a constitution restoring the right of woman suffrage. Congress admitted Utah as a state with that constitution in 1896.

Washington
In 1854, Washington became one of the first territories to attempt granting voting rights to women; the legislative measure was defeated by only one vote.  In 1871, the Washington Women's Suffrage Association was formed, largely attributable to a crusade through Washington and Oregon led by Susan B. Anthony and Abigail Scott Duniway.  The late nineteenth century saw a seesaw of bills passed by the Territorial Legislature and subsequently overturned by the Territorial Supreme Court, as the competing interests of the suffrage movement and the liquor industry (which was being damaged by the women's vote) battled over the issue.  The first successful bill passed in 1883 (overturned in 1887), the next in 1888 (overturned the same year).  The women's suffrage movement next hoped to secure the right to vote via voter referendum, first in 1889 (the same year Washington achieved statehood), and again in 1898, but both referendum bids were unsuccessful.  A constitutional amendment finally granted women the right to vote in 1910.

Colorado and Idaho

After Wyoming gained statehood, Colorado and Idaho were the next two states to give women the vote. In 1893, a referendum in Colorado made that state the second state to give women suffrage and the first state where the men voted to give women the right to vote.  Later, Idaho approved a constitutional amendment in 1896 with a statewide vote giving women the right to vote.

California
California's voters granted women's suffrage in 1911, when they adopted Proposition 4. Clara Elizabeth Chan Lee (October 21, 1886 – October 5, 1993) was the first Chinese American woman voter in the United States. She registered to vote on November 8, 1911 in California.

Oregon, Montana, Arizona
One after another, western states granted the right of voting to their women citizens, the only opposition being presented by the liquor interests and the machine politicians.  In Oregon, Abigail Scott Duniway (1834–1915) was the long-time leader, supporting the cause through speeches and her weekly newspaper The New Northwest, (1871–1887). Suffrage was won in 1912 by activists who used the new initiative processes.

Montana's men voted to end the discrimination against women in 1914, and together they proceeded to elect the first woman to the United States Congress in 1916, Jeannette Rankin.

Arizona became a state in 1912, but it had many conservative Southerners and its new constitution did not include women's suffrage. Activists formed the Arizona Equal Suffrage Association (AESA) and launched a campaign to win the vote. Their tactics were to reach out to progressive organizations for endorsements, winning the support of influential political and civic leaders, and getting help from NAWSA for speakers and funds. AESA sent delegations to the Republican and Democratic state conventions to argue for their support. The tactics worked and the men voted for woman suffrage in the general election held on 5 November 1912.

Upper Midwest

Norwegian American women, based in the rural upper Midwest, felt that the progressive politics of Norway, which included women's rights, provided a strong foundation for their demands for political equality and inclusion in the U.S. They told their kinswomen they had a cultural duty to promote women's rights, especially through the Scandinavian Woman's Suffrage Association.

East

New York

Suffragists, knowing that women's suffrage could not succeed without support, put their hope in the Equal Rights Association and pushed for a campaign for universal suffrage.  From April until November 1867, women furiously campaigned, distributing thousands of pamphlets and speaking in numerous locations for the cause.  Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton focused their attentions on New York, while Stone and Blackwell headed to Kansas, where the November election would be taking place.

During the New York Constitutional Convention, held on June 4, 1867, Horace Greeley, the chairman of the committee on Suffrage and an ardent supporter of women's suffrage over the previous 20 years, betrayed the women's movement and submitted a report in favor of removal of property qualification for free black men, but against women's suffrage.  New York legislators supported the report by a vote of 125 to 19.

Harriot Stanton Blatch, the daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, focused on New York where she succeeded in mobilizing many working-class women, even as she continued to collaborate with prominent society women. She could organize militant street protests while still working expertly in backroom politics to neutralize the opposition of Sharp Hall politicians who feared the women would vote for prohibition.  New York finally joined the procession in 1917 after Tammany Hall ended its opposition.

New Jersey

New Jersey, on confederation of the United States following the Revolutionary War, placed only one restriction on the general suffrage—the possession of at least £50 (about $ adjusted for inflation) in cash or property.  In 1790, the law was revised to include women specifically, and in 1797 the election laws referred to a voter as "he or she".  Female voters became so objectionable to professional politicians, that in 1807 the law was revised to exclude them. Later, when New Jersey rewrote its constitution, the 1844 constitution limited a guaranteed right to vote to men. By 1947, all state constitutional provisions that barred women from voting had been rendered ineffective by the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1920. The updated constitution of 1947, reflecting this, once again included women as eligible voters—as they had been in New Jersey in 1776.

Connecticut

The women's suffrage movement in Connecticut was pioneered by Frances Ellen Burr, a lecturer and writer who led a petition drive for suffrage in the 1860s.  She had been part of the women's movement for some time, having attended the National Women's Rights Convention in Cleveland in 1853.  Through her efforts, a women's suffrage bill was introduced into the state House of Representatives in 1867.  It was defeated by a vote of 111 to 93.

The Connecticut Woman Suffrage Association (CWSA) was formed at the state's first women's suffrage convention at the Robert's Opera House in Hartford on October 28–29, 1869.  The convention was organized by a group that included Burr, Isabella Beecher Hooker, Catharine Beecher, and Harriet Beecher Stowe.  The meeting was addressed by a number of luminaries, including Henry Ward Beecher, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, Julia Ward Howe and William Lloyd Garrison.
The convention, with its heavy involvement by the influential Beecher family, did not receive the hostile reception that similar conventions had received in other places.  The local press reported on the convention in a respectful way, and Stanton, Howe and Anthony were entertained by the governor and his wife at the governor's mansion.

At the time of the convention, the national women's movement was in the process of splitting.  One wing, associated with Stanton and Anthony, had formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA).  The other, associated with Lucy Stone and Julia Ward Howe, had formed the New England Woman Suffrage Association (NEWSA) and would soon form the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA).  Isabella Beecher Hooker invited both parties to the Hartford convention and tried to heal the breach between them, but was unsuccessful.
The Beecher family generally opposed Anthony's and Stanton's NWSA (Isabella's brother, Henry Ward Beecher, was the first president of the more moderate AWSA).  Isabella, however, was friendly with Anthony and Stanton and served as NWSA's vice president for Connecticut.

Isabella Beecher Hooker was the leading force in the CWSA and led the suffrage movement in that state for the rest of the century.  The New England Woman Suffrage Association organized affiliated state suffrage societies in most New England states except for Connecticut.  The CWSA recorded a membership of 288 in 1871.

In the 1870s, sisters Julia and Abby Smith, sometimes known as the "Maids of Glastonbury," engaged in a "no taxation without representation" protest.  They refused to pay their local taxes because women were not allowed to vote on tax issues.  The town seized their property to pay the taxes.

The movement won a few victories during this period.  Married women won the right to control their own property in 1877.  Women won the right to vote for school officials in 1893 and on library issues in 1909. The slow pace of progress was discouraging, however, and by 1906, the CWSA was down to 50 members.

In 1909, at time of a nation-wide upsurge in the women's suffrage movement, Katharine Houghton Hepburn (mother of Academy Award winning actress Katharine Hepburn) co-founded the Hartford Equal Suffrage League.  In 1910, that organization merged with the CWSA, and Hepburn became its president.  Imbued with new energy, the CWSA sponsored a month-long automobile tour in 1911 that established a number of new local chapters.  In 1914, it was the main organizer of the state's first suffrage parade, with 2000 participants.  By 1917, the organization had 32,000 members.

With Hepburn's support, a branch of a suffrage organization called the Congressional Union was formed in Connecticut in 1915.  By 1917, it had become the state branch of the National Woman's Party (NWP), a rival to the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) with which the CWSA was affiliated. Adopting the militant tactics of the NWP, fourteen Connecticut suffragists were arrested between 1917 and 1919 in Washington, D.C. for picketing the White House. Distressed by the NAWSA's reluctance to condemn the harsh treatment of the protesters, Hepburn resigned her post as president of the CWSA in 1917 and joined the NWP, soon becoming a member of its national executive committee.  She did not resign her CWSA membership, however, and continued to attend its board meetings.

Such cooperation across rival organizational lines was not uncommon in the Connecticut women's movement.  In many other states and at the national level, by contrast, the NWP and the much larger NAWSA tended to be bitter and uncooperative rivals. A representative statement of Connecticut approach was expressed Ruth McIntire Dadourian, the CWSA executive secretary, who said, "I felt that the Woman's Party was really the spearhead and then we could follow through.  The more outrageous they were, the better off we were."

Controlled by conservative Henry Roraback's Republican Party machine, Connecticut resisted the rapidly increasing pressure across the country to support the proposed Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which would prohibit the denial of the right to vote on the basis of sex.  The state legislature, which finally met in a special session called specifically to consider the amendment, ratified it in September 1920, a month after it had already become the law of the land because a sufficient number of other states had ratified it. Its work done, the CWSA dissolved in 1921.

Midwest

Illinois

In 1912, Grace Wilbur Trout, then head of the Chicago Political Equality League, was elected president of the Illinois Equal Suffrage Association (IESA). Changing her tactics from a confrontational style of lobbying the state legislature, she turned to building the organization internally. She made sure that a local organization was started in every Senate district.  She sent four lobbyists to Springfield, state capital of Illinois, to persuade one legislator at a time to support suffrage for women.

After passing the State Senate, the bill was brought up for a vote in the House on June 11, 1913. Trout and her team counted heads and went as far as to fetch needed male voters from their homes. Watching the door to the House chambers, Trout urged members in favor not to leave before the vote, while also trying to prevent "anti" lobbyists from illegally being allowed onto the House floor. The bill passed with six votes to spare, 83 to 58. On June 26, 1913, Illinois Governor Edward F. Dunne signed the bill in the presence of Trout, Booth and union labor leader Margaret Healy.

Women in Illinois could now vote for presidential electors and for all local offices not specifically named in the Illinois Constitution. However, they still could not vote for state representative, congressman or governor; and they still had to use separate ballots and ballot boxes. But by virtue of this law, Illinois had become the first state east of the Mississippi River to grant women the right to vote for President. Carrie Chapman Catt wrote,

The effect of this victory upon the nation was astounding. When the first Illinois election took place in April, (1914) the press carried the headlines that 250,000 women had voted in Chicago. Illinois, with its large electoral vote of 29, proved the turning point beyond which politicians at last got a clear view of the fact that women were gaining genuine political power.

Besides the passage of the Illinois Municipal Voting Act, 1913 was also a significant year in other facets of the women's suffrage movement. In Chicago, Ida B. Wells-Barnett founded the Alpha Suffrage Club, the first such organization for Negro women in Illinois. Although white women as a group were sometimes ambivalent about obtaining the franchise, African American women were almost universally in favor of gaining the vote to help end their sexual exploitation, promote their educational opportunities and protect those who were wage earners. African-American women often found themselves fighting both sexism and racism. As a result, there was an African-American Woman Suffrage Movement.

South

Southern suffragists are often left out of mainstream histories of the movement. Their work was embued with the cultural assumptions of their day. Many suffragists in the South—both white and black—were predominantly clubwomen, highly educated, and often from more elite families. Black women suffragists worked within their local clubs and later with the National Association of Colored Women's Clubs; some also became individual members of a suffrage association when their clubs were denied membership. Many black women educators, active in their teacher associations, would also speak out for voting rights, either for their men who were granted voting rights with the 15th Amendment and sometimes specifying voting rights for black women. White middle-class women of the South who fought for voting rights were skilled in organizational efforts utilized in memorializing the Lost Cause  through a Ladies' Memorial Association or the United Daughters of the Confederacy. In 1906 twelve delegates from states throughout the South came together in Memphis to form the Southern Woman Suffrage Conference. Laura Clay was elected president. This group broke from the NAWSA, which had turned away from its "Southern Strategy" efforts and worked instead to win suffrage at the state and local levels rather than with a federal amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

Kentucky

In 1838, Kentucky passed the first statewide woman suffrage law (since New Jersey revoked theirs with their new constitution in 1807) – allowing female heads of household to vote in elections deciding on taxes and local boards for the new county "common school" system. The law exempted the cities of Louisville, Lexington and Maysville since they had already adopted a system of public schools. Kentucky was crucial as a gateway to the South for women's rights activists. Lucy Stone came through Louisville in November 1853 – wearing her own version of Amelia Bloomer trousers – earned $600 with thousands packing the halls each night. After the Civil War, when the 13th Amendment was ratified by 2/3 of the states (not including Kentucky) on January 1, 1866, Lexington's Main Street was filled with African Americans in a military parade, followed by Black businesspeople and several hundred children with political speeches at Lexington Fairgrounds (now the University of Kentucky). By March a Black Convention was held in Lexington to discuss equal rights for Blacks. The next year, for July 4, a barbecue organized in Lexington by Black women included speeches made by both Black and by White speakers in favor of black suffrage and ratification of the 14th Amendment. That fall, another Black Convention included a debate on how to gain full civil rights for Blacks, including the right to vote and the right to testify in court against whites. From the 11th National Women's Rights Convention and a merger with former abolitionists,  the American Equal Rights Association formed to lobby the new federal government and the states for full rights for all citizens. In 1867 Virginia Penny of Louisville was elected Vice-President - her first book, The Employments of Women: A Cyclopaedia of Woman's Work was recently published (1863). Also in 1867, the first suffrage association in the South is in Kentucky – Glendale, with 20 members. Also, first in the South, were the two suffrage associations - one in Madison County and the other in Fayette County - started in the 1870s by Mary Barr Clay who has already begun serving in both the national suffrage associations (NWSA and AWSA) as vice-president. In October 1881, the AWSA held its national convention in Louisville, Kentucky - the first such convention south of the Mason-Dixon line. At this convention, the first statewide suffrage association in Kentucky was founded, and Laura Clay was elected president. In July 1887 Mary E. Britton spoke for woman suffrage at the Colored Teachers Association meeting in Danville, Kentucky.

When the NAWSA was formed in 1890, Laura Clay became the main voice for Southern white clubwomen. She led many campaigns through the South and the West on behalf of the NAWSA while she continues to support efforts in Kentucky to proliferate city/county suffrage associations—seven of them by 1890. In February 1894 Sallie Clay Bennett (Laura's older sister) spoke on behalf of the NAWSA before the U.S. Senate Committee on Woman Suffrage emphasizing the right of black men and women to vote because all were citizens. Mrs. Bennett wrote a political treatise that was presented to Congress by Senator Lindsay and Rep McCreary on behalf of the NAWSA, "asking Congress to protect white and black women equally with black men against State denial of the right to vote for members of Congress and the Presidential electors in the States..." – writing private letters to every member of Congress and sending copies to editors of newspapers in every state. Eugenia B. Farmer of Covington figured out that the charters for second-class cities in Kentucky were up for renewal and the Kentucky Equal Rights Association (KERA) lobbied successfully in the Kentucky Constitutional Convention to get the legislature to grant those municipalities the right to grant woman suffrage. In March 1894 the Kentucky General Assembly granted school suffrage to women in the cities of Lexington, Covington and Newport; and, Josephine Henry succeeded in her lobbying for the state law for a Married Woman's Property Act. In 1902, because of the fear of an organized bloc of Lexington's African-American women registered to vote for school board members in the Republican Party, the Kentucky legislature revoked this partial suffrage. The Kentucky Association of Colored Women's Clubs formed in 1903 with 112 clubs, and suffrage is a part of the efforts undertaken by their clubs. The newly organized Kentucky Federation of Women's Clubs (whites only) formed and lobbied to regain school suffrage in Kentucky, finally winning it back in 1912 with an added proviso (just for women) of a "literacy" test.

In 1912 Laura Clay stepped down as president of KERA in favor of her distant cousin Madeline McDowell Breckinridge; and in 1913 Clay was elected to lead a new organization, the Southern States Woman Suffrage Conference, founded to win the vote through state enactment. In August 1918 Laura Clay and Mrs. Harrison G. (Elizabeth Dunster) Foster, formerly a leader of suffrage in Washington, formed the Citizens Committee which formally broke with KERA - and the next year, Laura Clay finally quit working for NAWSA and turned to securing a state suffrage bill in Kentucky. Presidential suffrage for women in Kentucky is signed into law on March 29, 1920.

In the early days of January 1920, National Woman's Party members Dora Lewis and Mabel Vernon travel to Kentucky to assure success, and on January 6, Kentucky became the 23rd state to ratify the 19th Amendment. On December 15, 1920, the Kentucky Equal Rights Association officially becomes the Kentucky League of Women Voters. Mary Bronaugh of Louisville was the first president of the state chapter.

See more on this state's suffrage history at the Kentucky Woman Suffrage Project.

Maryland
The 19th Amendment, which ensures women the right to vote, was ratified August 18, 1920.  However, Maryland did not ratify the Amendment until March 29, 1941. The Maryland Senate and the Maryland House of Delegates both voted against women's suffrage in 1920. In the time between the United States and Maryland approving the amendment, women fought very hard for their rights.  In Maryland, there were suffragists and suffrage groups all protesting for women's rights.

Edith Houghton Hooker, born in Buffalo, New York in 1879, was a suffragist in Maryland. She graduated from Bryn Mawr College and later enrolled in the Johns Hopkins University Medical School, where she was one of the first women accepted into the program. Hooker was an active member of the suffrage movement. She and her husband, Donald Russell Hooker, were responsible for establishing the Planned Parenthood Clinic in Baltimore. Hooker also established the Just Government League of Maryland, which brought the question of women's suffrage to the people of Maryland. Hooker also founded the Maryland Suffrage News. This newspaper was designed to help unite the suffrage organizations scattered across the state in order to bring pressure to the legislature to be more sympathetic to the issues of women, and to serve as a source of information about suffrage to the women of the state because mainstream papers were virtually blind to the existence of the movement. Hooker saw the need for a focus on passing a national amendment, so she did all she could to get the amendment approved.

Henrietta ("Etta") Haynie Maddox was the first woman to graduate from Baltimore Law School in 1901, and later to be admitted to the Maryland bar. However, initially she was not permitted to take the exam. The Maryland Court of Appeals rejected her application on the grounds that the wording of Maryland's law only permitted male citizens to practice law. Therefore, Maddox and several other female attorneys from other states went to Maryland's General Assembly to lobby for women to be admitted to the Maryland bar. In 1902, a bill introduced by Senator Jacob M. Moses was passed, permitting women to practice law in Maryland. Maddox passed the bar exam with distinction and in September 1902, she was the first woman to become a licensed lawyer in Maryland.

South Carolina
Women's suffrage in South Carolina began as a movement in 1898, nearly 50 years after the women's suffrage movement began in Seneca Falls, New York. The state's women suffrage movement was concentrated amongst a small group of women, with little-to-no support from the state's legislature.

Virginia Durant Young, was a prominent figure in South Carolina's women's suffrage movement. Young was a temperance campaigner who expanded her efforts to push for votes for women in South Carolina elections. Among the objections she argued against was a claim that, because polling booths were often located in bars, the act of voting would take women into unpleasant situations. South Carolina's first women's suffrage movement was closely tied to the temperance movement lead by the Women's Christian Temperance Union. Young, with several other suffragists, formed the South Carolina Equal Rights Association (SCERA) in 1890.

In 1892, described as a "staunch male supporter," General Robert R. Hemphill, a state legislator, introduced an amendment for women's suffrage. This amendment was voted down 21 to 14. Over the 1890s a number of laws were revised to extend women more property rights. Virginia Durant Young died in 1906, and with her death came the end of SCERA and other efforts within the state for women's suffrage.

Women's suffrage finally came to South Carolina through the Nineteenth Amendment after the amendment was passed by Congress in 1919. South Carolina accepted the implications of the Nineteenth Amendment, but at the same time passed a law excluding women from jury duty within the state. South Carolina finally ratified the Nineteenth Amendment in 1969.

Suffragist Virginia Durant Young's former home—which also served as the office for her newspaper,  the Fairfax Enterprise—was added to the National Register of Historic Places on August 8, 1983.

Tennessee
Woman suffrage entered the public forum in Tennessee in 1876 when a Mississippi suffragist, Mrs. Napoleon Cromwell, spoke before the male delegates to the state Democratic convention held in Nashville. Her ten-minute speech asked the assembly to adopt a resolution for woman suffrage. Her appeal was based in terms of white supremacy. She reasoned that the white race would not be united unless white women were enfranchised. She pointed out that former male slaves could vote, but the wives, daughters, mothers, and sisters of those present at the convention could not. The delegates applauded but they also laughed, treating her speech as a joke. No resolution was passed.

After the Women's Christian Temperance Union national convention in Nashville in 1887, and a powerful appeal by suffragist Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, a group of women in Memphis organized the first woman suffrage league in the state in 1889. Lide Meriwether was elected president and she became active in the National American Woman Suffrage Association as a speaker for other states. In 1895 Meriwether persuaded Susan B. Anthony and Carrie Chapman Catt to come to Memphis where they spoke to white and African American groups and were lauded by the Nineteenth Century Club, the Woman's Council, and the Woman's Club. By 1897 there were ten new clubs in Tennessee, with the largest still in Memphis. A state convention was organized for Nashville that year with Laura Clay of Kentucky and Frances Griffin of Alabama as featured speakers. This convention then formed the Tennessee Equal Rights Association, electing Lide Meriwether president and Bettie M. Donelson of Nashville, secretary. Two separate state associations formed in 1914—the Tennessee Equal Suffrage Association and the Tennessee Equal Suffrage Association, Incorporated. They both affiliated with the National American Woman Suffrage Association and in 1918 combined to form the Tennessee Woman Suffrage Association.

Due to the work by suffragists, in 1919 the Tennessee legislature passed an amendment to the state constitution granting only presidential and municipal suffrage for women. When the Susan B. Anthony amendment came to the Tennessee legislature, thirty-five other states had already ratified it. There was some controversy about the legitimacy of a state constitutional stipulation that a federal amendment could only be voted upon by a legislature that was in place before the amendment was submitted. It took a decision of the U.S. Supreme Court to cause the legislature to reconsider this issue. In addition, Governor Roberts was getting pressure - even from President Woodrow Wilson - to call a special legislative session to consider ratification of the 19th Amendment. Finally, the legislature was called on August 7, 1920. Pro- and anti-suffragist forces came to lobby for their cause. After several days of hearings and debate, the Tennessee State Senate voted for ratification of the Susan B. Anthony Amendment on August 13.  On August 17, the house committee on constitutional convention and amendments urged ratification.  Debate followed and eventually the house adopted ratification by a majority of fifty to forty-six.  With Tennessee as the thirty-sixth state to ratify, the fight for the Nineteenth Amendment was over.

Texas
Women in Texas did not have any voting rights when Texas was a republic (1836-1846) or after it became a state in 1846. Suffrage for Texas women was first raised at the Constitutional Convention of 1868-1869 when Republican Titus H. Mundine of Burleson County proposed that the vote be given to all qualified persons regardless of gender. The committee on state affairs approved Burleson’s proposal but the convention rejected it by a vote of 52 to 13. The first suffrage organization in Texas was the Texas Equal Rights Association (TERA) which was organized in Dallas in May 1893 by Rebecca Henry Hayes of Galveston and which was active until 1895. TERA had auxiliaries in Beaumont, Belton, Dallas, Denison, Fort Worth, Granger, San Antonio, and Taylor.

Suffragists in Texas formed the Texas Woman Suffrage Association (TWSA) in 1903 and renamed it the Texas Equal Suffrage Association (TESA) in 1916.  The association was the state chapter of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA). Annette Finnigan of Houston was the first president. During Finnigan’s presidency, TWSA attempted to organize women’s suffrage leagues in other Texas cities but found little support. When Finnigan moved from Texas in 1905, the association became inactive.

In April 1913, 100 Texas suffragists met in San Antonio and reorganized TWSA with seven local chapters sending delegates. The delegates elected Mary Eleanor Brackenridge from San Antonio as president. Annette Finnigan, who had returned to Houston in 1909, succeeded Brackenridge as president in 1914, followed by Minnie Fisher Cunningham from Galveston in 1915. By 1917, there were 98 local chapters of TESA throughout Texas. In January 1916, 100 suffragists chartered the state branch of the National Woman’s Party (NWP) in Houston. However, most Texas suffragists belonged to the more moderate Texas Equal Suffrage Association.

Texas suffragists publicized their cause through sponsoring lectures and forums, distributing pamphlets, keeping the issue in local newspapers, marching in parades, canvassing their neighborhoods, and petitioning their legislators and congressmen. Many suffragists in Texas used nativist and racist arguments to advocate for women’s suffrage. After the United States entered World War I, Texas suffragists also argued for the vote on the basis of their war work and patriotism.

In 1915, Texas suffragists came within two votes in the Texas legislature of achieving an amendment to the state constitution giving women the vote. In March 1918, suffragists led the effort to get women the vote in state primary elections.  In seventeen days, TESA and other suffrage organizations registered approximately 386,000 Texas women to vote in the Democratic primary election in July 1918, which was the first time that women in Texas were able to vote. Texas suffragists then turned their attention to lobbying their federal representatives to support the Susan B. Anthony amendment to the federal constitution. Both Texas senators and ten of eighteen U.S. representatives from Texas voted for the federal amendment on June 4, 1919.  Later that month, Texas became the first state in the South and the ninth state in the United States to ratify the 19th amendment to the U.S. Constitution. The Texas House approved the federal amendment on June 24, 1919 by a vote of 96 to 21 and the Texas Senate approved it on June 28, 1919 by a voice vote.

Virginia

Women's suffrage in Virginia began 1870 with the founding of the Virginia State Woman Suffrage Association by Anna Whitehead Bodeker. Bodeker tried to stir up public support for women's suffrage by publishing newspaper articles and inviting nationally known suffragists to speak. However, post-Civil War societal demands to uphold traditional values of womanhood won out, and the Virginia State Woman Suffrage Association shut down less than a decade after its founding. In 1893, Orra Gray Langhorne founded the Virginia Suffrage Society as part of the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), but it folded before the turn of the century due to low membership numbers.

In November 1909, about 20 Richmond-area activists—including Lila Meade Valentine, Kate Waller Barrett, Adele Goodman Clark, Nora Houston, Kate Langley Bosher, Ellen Glasgow, Mary Johnston—founded the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia. A few months after its founding, the Equal Suffrage League of Virginia joined NAWSA. The league had about 100 members in its first year of operation. In 1917, it had more than 15,000. By 1919, the league had 32,000 members and was the largest political organization in the state of Virginia.

The Equal Suffrage League of Virginia educated Virginia's citizens and legislators by canvassing houses, distributing pamphlets, and sending its members on speaking tours around the state. The league also regularly petitioned Virginia's General Assembly to add a women's voting rights amendment to the state constitution, bringing the issue to the floor in 1912, 1914, and 1916; they were defeated each time. Meanwhile, Virginia suffragists encountered strong opposition to their cause by an anti-suffragist movement, headed by the Virginia Association Opposed to Women's Suffrage, that tapped into racial fears and traditional, conservative beliefs about the role of women in society.

When the United States Congress passed the Nineteenth Amendment in June 1919, Virginia suffragists lobbied for ratification, but Virginia's politicians refused. However, women of Virginia got the right to vote in August 1920 when the Nineteenth Amendment became law after it was ratified by 36 states.

Virginia wouldn't ratify the Nineteenth Amendment until 1952.

See also

 African-American Woman Suffrage Movement
 Anti-suffragism
 League of Women Voters
 List of suffragists and suffragettes
 List of women's rights activists
 National American Woman Suffrage Association
 Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution
 Silent Sentinels (1917 imprisonment of suffragettes at the Occoquan Workhouse)
 Suffrage
 Suffrage Hikes
 Timeline of women's rights (other than voting)
 Timeline of women's suffrage
 Timeline of women's suffrage in the United States

References

Bibliography
 Baker, Jean H.  Sisters:  The Lives of America's Suffragists. Hill and Wang, New York, 2005.  .
Brandenstein, Sherilyn. “National Woman’s Party.” Handbook of Texas Online. Accessed August 18, 2019. http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/wensq. Uploaded on June 15, 2010. Modified on July 25, 2018. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
Brown, Dorothy. “Sixty Five Going on Fifty:  A History of the League of Women Voters of Texas, 1903-1969.” MS. League of Women Voters files, Austin, 1969. Accessed on April 13, 2019. www.my.lwv.org/texas/history.
 Buhle, Mari Jo; Buhle, Paul. The concise history of woman suffrage. University of Illinois, 1978.
 Dubois, Ellen Carol.  Feminism and Suffrage: The Emergence of an Independent Women's Movement in America, 1848–1869 (1999)
 Dudden, Faye E. Fighting Chance: The Struggle over Woman Suffrage and Black Suffrage in Reconstruction America. New York: Oxford University Press. 2011. .
 Hemming, Heidi, and Julie Hemming Savage, Women Making America. Clotho Press, 2009.
Humphrey, Janet G. “Texas Equal Suffrage Association.” Handbook of Texas Online.  Accessed August 18, 2019. http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/vit01. Uploaded on June 15, 2010. Modified on July 19, 2017.  Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
 Kraditor, Aileen S. The Ideas of the Woman Suffrage Movement: 1890–1920 (1965) excerpt and text search
 Mead, Rebecca J.  How the Vote Was Won: Woman Suffrage in the Western United States, 1868–1914 (NYU Press, 2006)
Scott, Anne Firor and Scott, Andrew MacKay. One Half the People: The Fight for Woman Suffrage. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1982.
Seymour, James. “Fighting on the Homefront: The Rhetoric of Woman Suffrage in World War I.” in Debra A. Reid, ed. Seeking Inalienable Rights: Texans and Their Quests for Justice. College Station:  Texas A&M University Press, 2009. pp. 59-75.
Taylor, A. Elizabeth. “Woman Suffrage.” Handbook of Texas Online. Accessed August 18, 2019. http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/viw01. Uploaded on August 31, 2010. Modified on June 25, 2019. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
 Ward, Geoffrey C. Not Ourselves Alone: the story of Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony (1999),
 Wellman, Judith. The Road to Seneca Falls, University of Illinois Press, 2004.

Further reading

External links
 UNCG Special Collections and University Archives selections of American Suffragette manuscripts
 International Woman Suffrage Timeline: Winning the Vote for Women Around the World provided by About.com
 Woman's Suffrage Association and League of Women Voters Collection (MS-004), a manuscripts collection at Dayton Metro Library
The Sewall-Belmont House & Museum--Home of the historic National Woman's Party
Women of Protest: Photographs from the Records of the National Woman's Party
Oral History Interview with Eulalie Salley at Oral Histories of the American South

Category:History of voting rights in the United States
Category:History of women in the United States
Category:History of women's rights in the United States
Category:Progressive Era in the United States
Category:South Carolina elections
Category:History of women in South Carolina
Category:Women in South Carolina