Runs produced

Runs produced is a baseball statistic that can help estimate the number of runs a hitter contributes to his team. The formula adds together the player's runs and run batted in, and then subtracts the player's home runs.

Home runs are subtracted to compensate for the batter getting credit for both one run and at least one RBI when hitting a home run.

Unlike runs created, runs produced is a teammate-dependent stat in that it includes Runs and RBIs, which are affected by which batters bat near a player in the batting order. Also, subtracting home runs seems logical from an individual perspective, but on a team level it double-counts runs that are not home runs.

To counteract the double-counting, some have suggested an alternate formula which is the average of a player's runs scored and runs batted in.

Here, when a player scores a run, he shares the credit with the batter who drove him in, so both are credited with half a run produced. The same is true for an RBI, where credit is shared between the batter and runner. In the case of a home run, the batter is responsible for both the run scored and the RBI, so the runs produced are (1 + 1)/2 = 1, as expected.

All-time Major League Baseball leaders

See also
Baseball statistics

References

Category:Batting statistics


Piesocorynus tesselatus

Piesocorynus tesselatus is a species of fungus weevil in the beetle family Anthribidae. It is found in North America.

References

Further reading

Category:Anthribidae
Category:Articles created by Qbugbot
Category:Beetles described in 1906


Ciompi Revolt

The Revolt of the Ciumpi was a rebellion among unrepresented labourers which occurred in Florence, Italy from 1378 to 1382.  Those who revolted consisted of artisans, labourers, and craftsmen who did not belong to any guilds and were therefore unable to participate in the Florentine government.  These labourers had grown increasingly resentful over the established patrician oligarchy.  In addition, they were expected to pay heavy taxes which they could not afford, forcing some to abandon their homes. The resulting insurrection over such tensions led to the creation of a government composed of wool workers and other disenfranchised workers which lasted for three and a half years.

The Ciompi revolt developed in three stages: reform in May and June, the violent 'revolution' of the revolt and fighting in mid-July, and the fall of the Ciompi government - 'the reaction', at the end of August 1378.  These workers' underrepresentation led to their exploitation, low wages, and political impotence. In June 1378 the city's fourteen minor guilds demanded greater representation in civic office from elites – the Signoria. These guildsmen still wanted to keep the Sotto posti, who were low wage textile workers with no guild representation, from forming their own guilds and being able to gain increased political power. To prevent this, the Signoria quadrupled the fee for admittance to the system.  This action sparked indignation and turned the Sotto posti into opponents of the Signoria aligning them with the lower class Ciompi.  On the 22 June the Ciompi took up arms for the first time but it was not until 21 July that they violently took over the city's government and forced the Signoria to create three new guilds and grant them political office.

Historians commonly highlight a few individuals as central to the events. Representing the middle and upper class was Salvestro de' Medici.  Representing the lower class was the mysterious group known as "The Eight (Saints)". Finally caught in the middle of these two groups is Michele di Lando.  He was "separated from his social superior due to inferior birth, but he was also separated by his peers by his superior vision".

Although the Ciompi Rebellion was brief, it left an impact on future generations. The three and a half year revolt not only affected Florentine society throughout the 15th century, but was a flashpoint in Florentine history, which continued to intrigue historians. However, the interpretation of the events was different across the centuries.

Background

Unstable government
In the years preceding the 1378 revolt, certain aspects of Florentine society set the stage for the uprising. Tensions within the oligarchy were already present decades before the revolt occurred. The Arti Minori, or minor guilds, were constantly in contention with the Arti Maggiori, or the seven major guilds. Between the years of 1339 to 1349, wealthy houses went bankrupt and markets were reduced. The economy never peaked nor declined sharply again, aside from minor political and military disputes familiar to Florence. Economic grievances had drawn artisans and wage-labourers into Florentine politics from the mid-fourteenth century. These workers, however, were forbidden from associating by city government. The oligarchy was unstable, as many either died from the plague or fled to safer territories. From these turbulent times emerged the gente nuova, or new men, a class of mainly immigrants with no aristocratic background who grew their wealth from trade. Together, the gente nuova and Arti Minori bonded over their dislike of the oligarchy. Each side sought to gain control over the other, as the oligarchy used the Guelph Party to justify their patriciate status, while the gente nuova appealed to the middle and lower classes for support. In 1375 the gente nuova seriously challenged the privileges of the oligarchy, sparking concerns from the latter of their possible collapse. In addition, war broke out against the papacy in the same year, increasing the costly burdens on the city. In late 1377 to early 1378, the oligarchy and the gente nuova formed a truce, only to be broken by the oligarchy in June, the month of the revolt.

Upper class versus lower class and the origins of the term "ciompi"
As mentioned, tensions between the upper and lower classes were a major factor in bringing about the revolt. It is quite unclear who exactly qualified as belonging to the Florentine upper class, unlike in Venice where the class hierarchy was solidly entrenched. For the most part of the 14th century, a patriciate could be identified by the presence of a family name. On the other side of the spectrum was the popolo minuto, or the laboring classes of Florence, which also had no set boundaries. For example, an artisan could be considered an elite if he was wealthy and successful enough.  The majority of the popolo minuto, however, consisted of poor laborers flocking from village to city for work. Forced loans, high taxes and an even higher rate of indebtedness kept the Ciompi impoverished. In 1355, the miserabiles, defined as having no property, possession worth less than 100 lire and no trade or profession, accounted for 22% of households in Florence. The most important aspect of this class is that they had no representation in the Florentine government, which would be one of the main changes implemented by the Ciompi later on. These artisans and laborers were not part of guilds until the Ciompi and the Arti Minori took over the government beginning in 1378. In becoming the Ciompi, the word must have originated from the French, as the popolo minuto would hear them in the taverns say, "Compar, allois a boier" or "Comrade, let's get a drink," and the Florentine labourers would pronounce this as "ciompo," and then finally, "ciompi." Thus, the term does not solely refer to wool makers. Records of condemned Ciompi rebels show that tavern owners were also found to be part of the revolt.

Rising taxes
In Florence of 1371, unequal taxation was the norm; in particular, the highlanders paid three times more in taxes than plain dwellers. This increase in taxation was not due to Florence's wars with Pisa from 1362-1364, or to the revolt of San Miniato from 1369-1370, but from the need to pay for increased military forces to push back against the Ubaldini and their allies. The Ubaldini were a feudal family who had strong influences over the peasants living in the Alpi Fiorentine, and Florence wished to break these ties for control in the north. Adding to the need for more military forces was the increased crime and attacks directed at merchants and at pilgrims passing through Florence that developed after the Black Death.  To pay these militias, however, Florence was getting deeper in debt, and the oligarchy burdened those living in the countryside with increasing taxation. As taxes kept on increasing, the highlanders chose to flee, worsening a labor shortage, already present after the Black Death. Furthermore, there were increasing differences in wealth between the popolo minuto and the patriciates. In fact, before the Ciompi, there were already rebellions organized by laborers, such as the October 9, 1343 revolt by wool workers led by the Sienese Aldobrando di Ciecharino, who lived in Florence.

The Revolt

What was the Revolt of Ciompi?
The Revolt of the Ciompi was a popular revolt in Florence in 1378 spearheaded by wool carders known as Ciompi () and other non-guilded workers who rose up to demand a voice in the commune's ordering in addition to enacting debt and tax reforms.
The revolt was an outburst of proletariat unrest in the city of Florence that began in June 1378 and consisted of three phases ending in August of the same year. It was the result of a power struggle between Florence's ruling elites, the established artisan guilds of Florence, and Sotto posti (or un-guilded) which included the Ciompi; mainly a group of low-wage textile workers employed in Florence's thriving wool industry. At its height, this trade sold fabrics throughout Italy as well as overseas and employed up to a third of Florence's population.  Many of the issues leading to the revolt of the Ciompi involved the politics and relations between guild and non-guild members, as well as the ruling elites of the city (the Signoria). Guild members and the guild system were important aspects of Florence's politics by 1378, where they acted as political intermediaries between the individuals in their guild and the state. Guilds enforced industrial, fiscal, and monetary policy which benefited their trades and the lives of their workers  in addition to representing them politically, regulating their industries, and controlling who could become a member. As mentioned previously the guild system involved a hierarchy between the seven major and fourteen minor guild associations; the former represented those who had become a class of prosperous cloth merchants and bankers/financiers, and the latter consisting of various artisans, craftsmen and skilled labourers including, but not limited to, shoemakers, tailors and wine merchants.

The 21 guilds, however, did not include the whole of Florence's working population and many people were excluded from the system, thus limiting their protection from exploitation and ability to be involved in city politics. Few of those in the textile industry, including the Ciompi wool workers, were eligible for guild membership, with around only 200 of the approximately 14,000 people in wool manufacture qualifying, and the remainder named the Sotto posti who were designated ineligible for entry to the guild system or for creating a guild for their own benefit.  The exclusion of the Ciompi from this system reinforced unequal power relations within the city, reducing the rights and protections available for these unfortunate workers unlike those assigned to members in other guilds. It was a highly unequal society allowing Florence's wool trade to thrive and set the stage for the revolt.

The Ciompi resented the controlling power that was centred in the Arte della Lana—the textile-manufacturing establishment which guided the economic engine of Florence's prosperity—and was supported by the other major Guilds of Florence (the Arti maggiori) as well as the limitations they faced in influencing politics, and the lower wages and exploitation they experienced as a result of their exclusion from the guild system. The consequent revolt of 1378 marked the high point of labour agitation in Florence.

Three phases
The Ciompi revolt occurred in three phases. These included a stage of reform in the months of May and June, the 'revolution', or violent outburst of the revolt occurring in mid-July, and the fall of the temporary Ciompi government - 'the reaction', which occurred at the end of August.  In June 1378, the series of events began with the fourteen minor guilds of Florence demanding greater representation in civic office. Initially the Ciompi were not violently involved and the early stages of the revolt were as much a power struggle between the guilds as it was between Florence's Signoria and the exploited lower class. The guildsmen who demanded this greater representation in government still sought to keep the Sotto posti from forming guilds and thereby being able to gain a political position.  However, the Sotto posti soon submitted their own demands and hoped to have them met. The Signoria had no intention of granting the un-guilded Sotto posti these liberties however and instead, feeling threatened, they made it more difficult to obtain office and quadrupled the fee for admittance. This action sparked indignation and turned the upper class Sotto posti, who were previously hopeful for better rights and social/professional advances, into opponents of the Signoria aligning their aims and ails with the lower class Ciompi. Salvestro de Medici was one of the individuals assigned the blame by many in the lower classes, and later also faced accusation from his peers for letting the situation with the Ciompi get out of hand.

Reform
On 22 June 1378, the first outbreak of violence occurred when the un-guilded wool-workers took up arms and attacked government buildings, monasteries and a number of Palazzi whilst also releasing inmates from city prisons. Nevertheless, it was yet to become a full blown revolt. The Signoria attempted to appease the lower classes through talks and petitions, although ultimately suggested little change and still left the Ciompi guildless and without power or representation in government. The procrastination of the Signoria and half measures adopted therefore is perhaps what contributed to the second phase of the revolt.

Revolt
On July 21, the lower classes forcibly took over the government, placing the wool carder Michele di Lando in the executive office of gonfaloniere of justice, and showing their banner, the blacksmith's flag, at the Bargello, the palace of the podestà. On this day, thousands of armed wool workers (the Ciompi) and those from the Sotto posti, besieged the Signoria and pointedly hanged the public executioner by his feet in front of the Palazzo Vecchio. The Ciompi then compelled the governing body, the Signoria, to establish three additional guilds in order to grant them access to political office. In demanding the creation of an Arte del Pololo Minuto, the Ciompi requests were not especially radical: they were simply demanding the same rights as the other minor guilds currently had. Most of the Ciompi (and Sotto Posti involved) acted for reform rather than radical or revolutionary innovation. The total membership of the three new guilds was roughly 13,000 men whereas the twenty-one previously existing guilds had a membership of about 4000 to 5000 between them. After the incorporation of these new guilds, almost every man in Florence was able to participate in city government.

Considering how the Ciompi had seized power, their demands both politically and socially, were modest. Their main concerns included the formation of a guild for wool workers and they also wished to tackle unemployment by increasing wool production.  The Ciompi in fact did not demand ownership of cloth production or the cloth factories and their ideals were still based around the traditional guild idea, wishing to protect their economic interests and the situation of their workers.

However the new Ciompi government, once they had pushed out the Signoria, experienced teething problems. Even though they made demands such as the right to elect three of their own priors, the reduction of judicial corporal punishment, and reform the tax system in fact the new government was rather weak and lacked strong bargaining skills. An analysis of those within the newly appointed Balia suggests that only half were actually Ciompi, the rest being of middle class and other professions. The clash of interests and resulting struggle and sense of betrayal experienced by the Ciompi when their leader Michele di Lando turned against them ignoring their demands, led to the third stage of the revolt.

Reaction
At the end of August 1378, factionalism among the Ciompi and the radical persecution of enemies of the revolution, led Michele di Lando to arrest two Ciompi leaders who had demanded constitutional reform. The next day, Michele di Lando rode out of the palace with the Standard Bearer of Justice and cleared the piazza of a militia from the three new guilds who were shouting "Long live the popolo minuto" and demanding the resignation of Michele di Lando's government. The workers' militia returned and a battle for the Piazza della Signoria broke out between the Ciompi and the forces of the major and minor guilds led by the guild of butchers. The Ciompi and Sotto posti were slaughtered that day by the other guilds alongside the reformist forces under previous Ciompi leader Michele di Lando, who also acted to crush the Eight Saints who were attempting to challenge his power in government. This day has been named one of the bloodiest in Florentine history.

On September 1, citizens assembled in the piazza and approved the dissolution of the Ciompi guild. Nevertheless, the government continued to enact Ciompi-led reforms, such as the establishment of the estimo—a direct tax on household wealth on October 29, 1378. Overall, the Ciompi revolt consisted of complex social, economic and political factors, as well as the involvement of more than one group of workers such as the Ciompi. The hierarchical guild system played an important part in the conflict, as did guild members who were key in turning on the government and ending its short reign over the city. Although often portrayed as radical today, the demands and wishes of the wool workers and others involved were fairly modest and reform did not take the shape of a societal overhaul. The idea that the Ciompi could live harmoniously with all the other groups and guilds in society after they assumed government, however, was  idealistic. Furthermore, the disillusionment experienced when the conflict continued especially after the collapse of the regime and the guilds dissolution certainly contributed to the decline of labour unrest in Florence's cloth industry in the years following and lack of political power that these sections of society continued to have.

Key figures

Salvestro de' Medici

As "a man of a noble house, great and rich", Salvestro de' Medici was a lesser known cousin to the famous House of Medici a banking family.  He was blamed for causing the rebellion by the Ciompi by his peers (such as Alamanno Acciaioli, who was part of the Signory that brought the papal war to an end). Salvestro made an error in his struggle against the Guelf party, thus spoiling his family image as well as others of similar rank, "subjecting them to the rashness of the excited multitude".

"The Eight (Saints)"

Very little is actually known about "The Eight (Saints)" and who the members were.  Trexler calls the radical Ciompi rebel group Gli Otto Santi del Popolo di Dio (or the "Eight Saints", also known as the Eight of Santa Maria Novella) and suggests that they may be commonly confused with the more influential and better known otto della guerra (or the "Eight of War") who represented Florence and opposed Gregory XI and the Catholic Church in 1375 (in the War of the Eight Saints). The "Eight of War" were very much in power at the time of the Ciompi Revolt, however they played a very small role during the actual Ciompi Revolt.  The "Eight Saints" of the Popolo Minuto created itself as a shadow government to Michele di Lando's government they forcefully obtained the right to veto communal legislation. Di Lando's government defeated these radical challengers on August 31, 1378.

Michele di Lando
There is very little recorded history about who Michele di Lando was before the Ciompi Revolt, because men of the lower working class did not leave behind major documents.  What is known is that he was a woolcomber, his mother was a washerwoman, and his wife ran a pork butcher's shop. Within his industry, di Lando was the foreman of all the menial workers and made enough money to show up in tax records as paying small sums.  He was also a caporale during the war of Papal States, he shared command over twenty-eight men with another  caporale (It is not known if he saw active service at that time, but the fact that he was trained in command and with arms, he was likely less docile than simple workers in his industry).

His ascension to the position of Signore and Gonfaloniere was literally a story about a man who went from rags to riches.  He walked into the Palace barefooted and took control at the people's request. This scene inspired awe even in the eyes of some of the Signory (despite their compromised position).  Alamanno Acciaioli was quoted saying, "... He [di Lando] was given the Signory and they [the people] wished him to be Standard-Bearer of Justice and lord (signore)... this Michele di Lando, wool comber, was lord of Florence for twenty-eight hours and more.  This is the result of quarrelsomeness and innovation! O dear Lord, what great miracles you show us!..." Upon Michele di Lando's ascension to power, the "Eight of War" (who thought themselves as effective rulers of Florence) wanted to appoint replacements for the Signory.  Di Lando dismissed them, wanting to show that he could govern without their assistance, and chose the electoral candidates himself. Once he secured his power, di Lando's government allied with the Popolo di Firenze, infuriating radical members of the Popolo Minuto (who elected their "Eight Saints" to oppose di Lando). After the final clash with the radicals, the Signory retook office at the end of Michele di Lando's term.  This regime did not last long, it was overthrown again in 1382 and di Lando was sent into exile as a collaborator with the Signory.

The Revolt's end, reflection, and impact

The end of Ciompi control
The city of Florence was governed by the Ciompi until 1382 when fear of foreign incursion and a prolonged dispute between the wool merchants and the dyers justified an intervention by the elite families on behalf of a disintegrating government. Delegitimizing the new established guilds and removing them from constitutional functions became a main objective of the post-1382 regime that repealed the guild government's reforms. City government engaged in a concerted campaign to depict the unguilded workers as criminal and heretical.

The Ciompi Rebellion was not particularly long, lasted only for three and a half years (1378-1382).  Yet, it not only reflected the long existed social issue of late 14th century Florence, but also constituted a long lasting impact on many generations to come. It greatly influenced Florentine society in the 15th century, and became a memorable moment of Florentine history, which historians of later centuries all showed great interest in, but interpreted the same event in a variety of different ways.

Reflection on problems in late 14th century Florence

Late 14th century Florence was not a harmonious city, but one that had long been filled with tensions. The two major tensions were social and political, accumulating since Florence's commercial revolution 150 years prior to the rebellion.  Social tension existed between the poor Ciompi and wealthy merchants who dominated the lucrative wool industry, and the Florentine government, which continued to increase taxation. The Political tension was between the Ciompi, gente nouva, and the oligarchy, with the former two challenging the latter for more participation in government. The Ciompi Rebellion was the eruption of these long existing tensions, which could no longer be contained.

Impacts on 15th century Florence

After the Ciompi Uprising, the restored Florentine government did attempt to alleviate the plight of Ciompi artisans, such as a reform to lessen the burden of taxation. Yet, the rebellion left a permanent scar in the Florentine elites' mind (both the new and the old nobility) and created their everlasting fear and hatred toward the Ciompi. This scar built a tension between the new nobility and the lower labouring class greater than that prior to the uprising, as the elites constantly feared the rabble's secret plots.  The elites thus began to favour a more authoritative government, which may be more centralized and stronger in crushing a revolt. This eventually gave rise to the Medici family, the most powerful banking family of Florence, whose power outweighed Salvestro de' Medici's bad reputation, and became the de facto ruler of Florence in the 15th century, drastically changing the character of the Florentine communal government.

Impacts on historians from different eras

In the 15th century, it would not be surprising for Florentine scholars, who were part of the elite, to view the uprising negatively. Leonardo Bruni regarded the uprising as a mob out of control, whose members viciously looted and murdered the innocent.  He viewed this event as a historical cautionary tale, which presented the horrendous consequence when rabbles managed to seize control from the ruling class.

In the 16th century, Niccolò Machiavelli shared a somewhat different view with Bruni.  Although he echoed Bruni's perspective, also referring to them as the mob, the rabbles, preoccupied by fear and hatred, he was more favorable than Bruni in viewing the event as a whole. According to Machiavelli, the revolt was a social phenomenon between one group of people, who were determined to obtain freedom, while the other determined to abolish it.

In the 19th century, however, historians began to show sympathy to the Ciompi. Romantic historians had a tendency to interpret history as an epic tale between the evil and good, and this applied to the Ciompi Rebellion. Romantic historians regarded Michele di Lando, the leader of the rebellion, as a hero to the people who fought against their ruthless oppressors.  In the late nineteenth century, a sculpture of the popular leader Michele di Lando was placed in a niche on the façade of the Loggia del Mercato Nuovo. Marxist historians also sympathized with the Ciompi artisans, viewing them as the early proletariat, who tried to overthrow the oppressive bourgeoisies.

Recent histories treat the conflict as a lens reflecting the issues of Florentine society in the late 14th century, and also as a catalyst for Florence's period politics.  Moreover, to them, the rebellion is a lens that reflects history as an ever changing entity, as historians living in different times have different "presents," and one's present dictates how one views the past.

Footnotes

References
Bruni, Leonardo. "History of the Florentine People: Volume 3". Translated by James Hankins.  London: Harvard University Press, 2007 (hard cover, ).
Brucker, Gene A. "The Revolt of the Ciompi", in Florentine Studies (1968).
Brucker, Gene A. Florence: The Golden Age, 1138–1737. New York: Abbeville Press, 1984 (hardcover, ); Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998 (paperback, ).
Brucker, Gene A. Renaissance Florence. New York. Wiley. 1969. Print. Pages 67–79.(paperback, )
Chronicles of the Tumult of the Ciompi (Monash publications in history; 7) by Rosemary Kantor and Louis Green (translators). Clayton, Vic.: Monash University, 1991 (paperback, ).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. Creating the Florentine State: Peasants and Rebellion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999 (hardcover, ).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. The Laboring Classes in Renaissance Florence (Studies in social discontinuity). New York: Academic Press, 1980 (hardcover, ).
Cohn, Samuel Kline, Jr. Lust for Liberty: The Politics of Social Revolt in Medieval Europe, 1200–1425. Cambridge, MA; London: Harvard University Press, 2008 (hardcover, ).
Cohn, Samuel Kline Jr. Popular Protest in Late Medieval Europe: Italy, France, and Flanders. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004 (hardcover, )
Far, James Richard. Artisans in Europe, 1300 -1914. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2000. Pages 180-182.
Ferruci, Francesco. Italian Romanticism: Myth vs. History. Italian Issue 98.1 (1983) Pages 111-117
Ianziti, Gary. Leonardo Bruni, the Medici, and Florentine Histories. Journal of the History of Ideas 69.1 (2008): Pages 1–22
Hibbert, Christopher "The House of the Medici: Its Rise and Fall". William Morrow Paperbacks, 1999 ()
King, Margaret L. "The Renaissance in Europe" ()
Lantschner, The Ciompi Revolution Constructed: Modern Historians and the Nineteenth-Century Paradigm of Revolution. Annali di Storia di Firenze 4(2011) Pages 278-297
Leibovici, Martine. "From Fight to Debate: Machiavelli and the Revolt of the Ciompi", Philosophy & Social Criticism, 2002, Vol. 28, No. 6, pp. 647–660.
Marks, L.F. "Fourteenth-Century Democracy in Florence": [Review Article: Florentine Families and Florentine Diaries in the Fourteenth Century: Studies in Italian Medieval History Presented to Miss E.M. Jamison, P.J. Jones (ed.)], Past and Present, No. 25. (Jul., 1963), pp. 77–85.
Mollat, Michel, and Phillippe Wolff. The popular Revolutions of the Late Middle Ages. London. Allen & Unwin. 1973. Pages 138-161 (hardcover, )
Phillips, Mark. "Barefoot Boy Makes Good: A Study of Machiavelli's Historiography". Medieval Academy of America 59, No. 3 (1984): 585-605. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2846301
Screpanti, Ernesto. L'angelo della liberazione nel tumulto dei Ciompi. Siena: Protagon, 2008 ().
Trexler, R. C. "Who Were the Eight Saints?". Renaissance News 16, No. 2 (1963): 89-94. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2857798
Trexler, Richard C. "Follow the Flag: The Ciompi Revolt Seen From the Streets". Bibliotheque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 46, No. 2 (1984): 357-392. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20677018
Winter, Yves. Plebeian Politics: Machiavelli and the Ciompi Uprising. Political Theory 40.6 (2012) Pages 739-743

Category:Conflicts in 1378
Category:1370s in Europe
Category:1380s in Europe
Category:14th century in the Republic of Florence
Category:Popular revolt in late-medieval Europe


Archaeopterodactyloidea

Archaeopterodactyloidea (meaning "ancient Pterodactyloidea") is an extinct clade of pterodactyloid pterosaurs from the middle Late Jurassic to the latest Early Cretaceous (Kimmeridgian to Albian stages) of Africa, Asia and Europe. It was named by Alexander Wilhelm Armin Kellner in 1996 as the group that contains Germanodactylus, Pterodactylus, the Ctenochasmatidae and the Gallodactylidae. In 2003, Kellner defined the clade as a node-based taxon consisting of the last common ancestor of Pterodactylus, Ctenochasma and Gallodactylus and all its descendants. Although phylogenetic analyses that based on David Unwin's 2003 analysis do not recover monophyletic Archaeopterodactyloidea, phylogenetic analyses that based on Kellner's analyses, or the analyses of Brian Andres (2008, 2010, 2018) recover monophyletic Archaeopterodactyloidea at the base of the Pterodactyloidea.

Classification
Below is a cladogram showing the results of a phylogenetic analysis presented by Longrich, Martill, and Andres, 2018.

In 2017, Steven Vidovic and David Martill recovered a significantly different set of relationships for early pterodactyloids in their own analysis, as shown below.

References

Category:Fossil taxa described in 1996
Category:Pterodactyloids
Category:Tithonian first appearances
Category:Early Cretaceous extinctions


Kandalaksha

Kandalaksha (; , also Kandalax or Candalax in the old maps; ; ) is a town in Kandalakshsky District of Murmansk Oblast, Russia, located at the head of Kandalaksha Gulf on the White Sea, north of the Arctic Circle. Population:  40,564 (2002 Census);

History
The settlement has existed since the 11th century. In the 13th century, it became a part of the Novgorod Republic along with the southern part of the Kola Peninsula, and in 1478 was annexed by the Grand Duchy of Moscow. In 1915, the construction of a seaport started, and in 1918 a railroad connecting Moscow to Murmansk running through Kandalaksha was opened. On August 29, 1927, Kandalaksha was made the administrative center of the newly established Kandalakshsky District, and on June 1, 1932, it was granted work settlement status. Status of a town of district significance was granted to it on April 20, 1938. On February 9, 1940, Kandalaksha was administratively separated from the district and granted the status of a town of oblast significance.

In July 1941, during World War II, the town was the primary target of an unsuccessful German-Finnish offensive which attempted to cut the strategic Kirov Railway.

By the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR of March 19, 1959, the Councils of Deputies of Kandalaksha and of Kandalakshsky District were merged into one Kandalaksha Town Council of Deputies. While the district was nominally retained as a separate administrative division, all its subdivisions were administratively subordinated to the town's Council of Deputies.

Since 1995, Vitino oil port operates near Beloye More a few kilometers south of Kandalaksha.

Kandalaksha Mayor Nina Varlamova was murdered in an attack in December 2008.

International relations

Twin towns and sister cities
Kandalaksha is twinned with:
 Kemijärvi, Finland
 Piteå, Sweden

Climate

See also
Lake Lupche

References

Notes

Sources

External links

Kandalaksha Nature Reserve
Information about Kandalaksha for tourists

Category:Cities and towns in Murmansk Oblast
Category:Kemsky Uyezd
Category:White Sea
Category:Populated places of Arctic Russia


Faith Broadcasting Network

Faith Broadcasting Network was a Christian television network owned and operated by Faith Center in Glendale, California.

Until the mid-1980s, FBN owned and operated WHCT channel 18 in Hartford, Connecticut (now Univision affiliate WUVN), KVOF-TV 38 in San Francisco, and KHOF-TV (today's KPXN-TV) 30 in San Bernardino, CA. During the same era the Faith Center owned and operated KHOF-FM which was licensed in the city of Los Angeles, CA.

KHOF-FM
An FM radio station was the first broadcast property owned by Faith Center and was constructed around 1955. The transmitter site was located on a hill south of the junction of the Ventura and Glendale Freeways. Radio studios were originally in the pipe organ studios of Lorin Whitney in Glendale and later re-located to a rented store-front on Adams at the bottom west side of the transmitter hill. Studios were ultimately located at Faith Center when the church relocated to 1615 South Glendale Avenue in Glendale.
The station operated on FM frequency 99.5 MHz with an original power of 16,500 watts and later increased to 100,000 watts. The call letters of KHOF stood for the King’s Herald Of Faith.  The original station manager was Jean Carpenter and Chief Engineer, Howard Bollanback.  After Howard left, Jack Short became Chief Engineer until 1961.

KHOF-TV
One of the early Christian television stations on the west coast was KHOF-TV. Faith Center constructed the station from ground up and signed it on the air in October 1969. The transmission facilities were located on Sunset Ridge, which is about 20 miles east of Mount Wilson, where the major television stations for Los Angeles are located. The station was licensed to San Bernardino and broadcast on UHF television channel 30. Programming originated at the transmitter facility, with video tape and film programming transported daily up the mountain for broadcast. A 30-mile microwave radio link was constructed from Faith Center in Glendale to Sunset Ridge which allowed for live programming, such as church services, telethons and festivals, to be broadcast.

KIFM
Around late 1971 Faith Center acquired an FM radio station in Bakersfield, California. The station operated on FM frequency 96.5 MHz with the call sign of KIFM. The call sign was passed along from the previous ownership and the meaning is assumed to have been Kings Inspirational FM, or Kings Inspiration For Man. The KIFM studios in Bakersfield were located in a renovated residence on South H Street.  While KIFM had a small staff to program the station there was a radio link established where the programming from KHOF-FM was sent to the KIFM studios. This allowed for some KHOF-FM programming including live church services to be broadcast on the Bakersfield station.

WHCT-TV
On February 16, 1972 Faith Center further expanded its ministries with the addition of WHCT in Hartford, Connecticut. WHCT was acquired from RKO General and broadcast on UHF television channel 18. RKO donated the station to Faith Center. The call letters were passed along from the RKO ownership. The “W” in the call sign is the typical first letter of the FCC call sign for stations located east of the Mississippi River. While “HCT” without a doubt originally stood for Hartford, Connecticut (CT) there was a dual meaning of Hartford Christian Television.  Studios were located at 555 Asylum Street in Hartford.

Unlike the other two television stations, WHCT remained a commercial station most of the broadcast day, at least initially. They ran a mix of cartoons and children's shows early morning, Christian shows late morning, a mix of sitcoms, cartoons and westerns in the afternoon, sports some evenings and Christian programming others. As sports contracts expired, the station gradually added more Christian programming and by 1974 was about half and half. Due to WHCT being across country, there was no economical means the station could be connected to Faith Center for live programming. Christian programming in the form of videotape and film was shipped from Faith Center to WHCT for airing on a part-time basis. By 1975, the station was about 2/3 Christian, with 1/3 from Faith Center and 1/3 from selling time.

In 1975, Doctor Gene Scott took over Faith Center, and the station gradually cut the budget and stopped renewing most programming. Plans in 1975 were to sell Faith Center's assets, with WHCT to be sold to the Christian Broadcasting Network and become a more conventional commercial independent station, with Christian programming late mornings and prime time. However, the planned sale was canceled in early 1976. That fall, the station was nearly all Christian, but due to financial problems, WHCT was only on the air 10 hours a day. By the fall of 1977, WCHT aired Christian programming the entire broadcast day (except for an hour), though the entire broadcast day was now down to about 8 hours. From 1977 to 1979, all the outside Christian programming was gradually replaced with strictly religious shows with Gene Scott. In 1980, with satellite technology, WHCT ran Faith Center programming full-time as well.

KVOF
Faith Center acquired a television station in San Francisco, California and signed it on the air on August 4, 1974. The call sign of KVOF which stood for King’s Voice Of Faith was assigned and the station transmitted on UHF channel 38. Office facilities were located at 601 Tarval Drive in San Francisco, while the transmitter and tower were located atop San Bruno Mountain in Daly City. For several years, Christian programming was shipped to KVOF from Faith Center by ground carrier, similar to how programming was being sent to WHCT in Hartford. In 1978, a microwave radio link was leased that interconnected Faith Center to KVOF, so programming could now originate in Glendale and be broadcast live on KVOF.

FBN Production Center
The demand of increased Christian programming for the five broadcast stations owned by Faith Center was met through the construction of a television production center. Production in the church auditorium was becoming very labor-intensive as it required setting up lights and sets for productions but then having to tear everything down for Wednesday and Sunday church services. This also required the disassembling and reassembly of the rows of folding chairs to accommodate the attendees of the church services. In circa 1973 Faith Center acquired the former Glendale Hardware store located on East Broadway in Glendale. The building was refurbished and converted into a three studio production facility. A microwave link was installed between the production center and Faith Center which allowed live broadcasts to originate from there.

See also
 Faith Broadcasting Network Information Site
 Ray Schoch
 Eugene Scott

References

Category:Evangelical television networks
Category:Companies based in Glendale, California
Category:Radio stations established in 1955
Category:Television channels and stations established in 1969
Category:1955 establishments in California


High Country News

High Country News is an independent non-profit news media source that publishes a magazine, website and other works. The staff covers issues facing the  Western United States, and includes a tribal affairs desk. Located in Paonia, Colorado, High Country News is a nonprofit 501(c)(3) corporation.

Tom Bell, a Wyoming conservationist, rancher and decorated World War II bombardier, started a newspaper in 1970 that would become the High Country News. He died at the age of 92 in 2016 in Lander, Wyoming, where he had founded High Country News.

Funding
High Country News has more than 35,000 subscribers. In 2017, it received approximately 43% of its income from donations, 29% from subscriptions, 5% from advertising, and the balance from syndication and other sources.

Recognition
According to a review in The Christian Science Monitor, the paper "is closely read in congressional offices and state houses, as well as in the government agencies that control most of the rural West. It has broken important stories subsequently picked up by the New York Times and other national media."  Former Arizona Governor Bruce Babbitt described the paper as "the only place where you can really know what's happening in the rest of the West."

High Country News has received numerous journalism and environmental awards, including (but not limited to):
 Utne Reader magazine's 2013 Utne Media Award for Best Environmental Coverage
 2013 National Association of Science Writers' 2013 Science in Society Award
 2012 Knight-Risser Prize for Western Environmental Journalism
 The 2012 Science in Society Award from the National Association of Science Writers
 The 2012 Society of Environmental Journalists Awards, Outstanding Beat Reporting, Small Market
 2011 Excellence in Journalism Awards from the Native American Journalists Association
 The Native American Journalists Association Best Environmental Story of 2010 (monthly/bimonthly category)
 Utne Reader magazine's 2010 Utne Independent Press Award for Environmental Coverage
 The 2010 Hillman Prize for Magazine Journalism
 The 2009 Society of Environmental Journalists Awards, Outstanding Small Market Reporting, Print category
 The 2008 Hillman Prize for Magazine Journalism
 The 2006 George Polk Award for Political Reporting

References

External links

 Utne Media Award Winners

Category:1970 establishments in Colorado
Category:Biweekly magazines
Category:Environmental magazines
Category:Environment of the United States
Category:Magazines established in 1970
Category:Magazines published in Colorado
Category:Delta County, Colorado
Category:Magazines published in Wyoming


William H. Welch House

The William H. Welch House is a three-story rowhouse located at 935 St. Paul Street in Baltimore, Maryland.  Probably built in the 1880s, it is notable as the residence of William H. Welch (1850-1934) from 1891 to 1908. Welch was one of the "Big Four" founding professors at Johns Hopkins Hospital, and an important conduit of European medical research methods and ideas to the United States. He was also the first dean of the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine and the first director of the Johns Hopkins School of Hygiene and Public Health.  The house was designated a National Historic Landmark in 1976, and is included in the Baltimore National Heritage Area.

Description and history
The William H. Welch House is located on the northeast side of Baltimore's Mount Vernon neighborhood, on the east side of St. Paul Street just south of its junction with East Eager Street.  It is the right side of a pair of mirror-image three-story brick rowhouses, which share a cornice with the corner building immediately on their left.  The main entrance is in the leftmost of three bays, framed by an elaborate surround that has paneled pilasters, a half-round transom, and a bracketed cornice.  Windows are set in rectangular openings, with slightly corniced lintels.  The building has no particular architectural significance.

William H. Welch lived in this house from about 1891 to 1908, and at the now-altered 807 St. Paul Street from then until his death.  Welch, educated Yale and Columbia in medicine and chemistry, after which he spend four years in Europe (mainly at universities in what is now Germany) absorbing the medical and research practices there.  After being offered a position at the new Johns Hopkins University in 1883, he again traveled to Europe, after which he established a research laboratory modeled on those he saw at German universities.  He was influential in training a whole generation of medical researches in these practices, effectively propelling medical research in the United States to a level comparable to the state of the art seen in Europe.

See also
List of National Historic Landmarks in Maryland
National Register of Historic Places listings in Central Baltimore

References

External links
, including photo in 2004, at Maryland Historical Trust

Category:National Historic Landmarks in Maryland
Category:Houses completed in 1891
Category:Houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Baltimore
Category:Houses in Baltimore
Category:Baltimore National Heritage Area
Category:Mount Vernon, Baltimore


McPherson Opera House

McPherson Opera House is an historic opera building at 221 South Main Street in McPherson, Kansas.

The house was built in 1888, opened in 1889 and added to the National Historic Register in 1972.

References

External links

McPherson Opera House website

Category:Buildings and structures in McPherson County, Kansas
Category:Theatres in Kansas
Category:Theatres on the National Register of Historic Places in Kansas
Category:Music venues completed in 1889
Category:Opera houses in Kansas
Category:Theatres completed in 1889
Category:National Register of Historic Places in McPherson County, Kansas
Category:Opera houses on the National Register of Historic Places in Kansas


Cameronians War Memorial

The Cameronians War Memorial is a war memorial in Kelvingrove Park in the west of Glasgow, Scotland, to the north of Kelvingrove Art Gallery and Museum.  It commemorates the service of the Cameronians (Scottish Rifles) regiment in the First and Second World Wars.  The memorial includes a bronze sculpture representing a machine gun emplacement, with three human figures.  It became a Category B listed building in 1988.

Background
The sculpture was designed by Philip Lindsey Clark.  He had enlisted as a private in the Artists' Rifles in 1914, and was commissioned in the 11th (Service) (1st South Down) Battalion of the Royal Sussex Regiment in 1916, ending the war as a captain with a DSO.

Description
The memorial includes a bronze statue with three cast figures of soldiers, slightly larger than life size, cast by the Maneti foundry in London.  From right to left, the three figures are: one in a trench firing his Lewis machine gun, while a sergeant to his right advances holding a rifle, and further right an officer lies wounded.  The advancing sergeant symbolises victory and may be modelled on Cameronian Pipe Major Jimmy Sanderson, while the wounded officer represents sacrifice.  The sculpture now stands on a rectangular grey granite plinth, on a slightly larger base, raised on three steps, enclosed by hedges and a wrought iron fence.

Three plaques on the main west front bear the inscriptions, from the top: "TO THE GLORIOUS MEMORY OF ALL RANKS / THE CAMERONIANS (SCOTTISH RIFLES) WHO, / TO UPHOLD LIBERTY AND JUSTICE IN THE WORLD, / LAID DOWN THEIR LIVES IN THE TWO WORLD WARS 1914 – 1918 AND 1939 – 1945", then: "THE 6/7TH BATTALION, CAMERONIANS (SCOTTISH RIFLES) / WAS DISBANDED ON THE 31ST MARCH 1967 / AND THE 1ST REGULAR BATTALION ON THE 14TH MAY 1968 / THUS ENDING THE REGIMENT'S LONG MILITARY ASSOCIATION / WITH THE CITY OF GLASGOW", and finally: "THIS PLAQUE WAS UNVEILED BY / THE LORD PROVOST OF GLASGOW / THE RT. HON. JOHN JOHNSTON".

A plaque to the south side reads "O VALIANT HEARTS, WHO TO YOUR GLORY CAME / THROUGH DUST OF CONFLICT AND THRO' BATTLE FLAME / TRANQUIL YOU LIE. YOUR KNIGHTLY VIRTUE PROVED / YOUR MEMORY HALLOWED IN THE LAND YOU LOVED", and one on the north side reads "BE THOU FAITHFUL UNTO DEATH AND I / WILL GIVE THEE A CROWN OF LIFE".

A further plaque to the rear of the memorial lists the theatres of war in which the battalions of the regiment served.

The memorial was unveiled by Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig, who had been the Commander-in-Chief (C-in-C) of the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) on the Western Front, on 9 August 1924, five days after the tenth anniversary of the outbreak of the war.

A plaque for the Second World War was added in 1947.  The original sandstone plinth weathered badly and was replaced with a similar style in granite in 1958.  Another plaque was added after the regiment was disbanded in 1968.  The memorial became a Category B listed building in 1988, and it was restored in 2009.

Other memorials
Another Cameronians memorial in Douglas, South Lanarkshire was built in 1892 to commemorate the bicentenary of the raising of the Cameronian Regiment (26th Regiment of Foot) on 14 May 1689.  It depicts the regiment`s first Colonel, James Douglas, Earl of Angus.  Another memorial on the Douglas Estate commemorates the disbanding of the 1st Battalion, Cameronians (Scottish Rifles) on 14 May 1968.

Clark created a similar sculpture of an advancing infantryman for his Southwark War Memorial, unveiled in 1922, with the rifle slung over his left shoulder rather than held in his right hand.  A similar sculpture of an infantryman with rifle was used by Albert Toft for the Royal Fusiliers War Memorial in Holborn.

References
   Kelvingrove Park at Dumbarton Road, Cameronians Monument, Historic Scotland
 Cameronians (Scottish Rifles) War Memorial, roll-of-honour.com
 Cameronians (Scottish Rifles), Imperial War Museum
 Cameronian War Memorial, Kelvingrove, Glasgow,
 The Cameronians Regimental Memorials in Douglas, The Scottish Military Research Group
 http://www.cameronians.org/
 Cameronians (Scottish Rifles) War Memorial, Glasgow – City of Sculpture

Category:Buildings and structures completed in 1924
Category:Category B listed buildings in Glasgow
Category:Monuments and memorials in Glasgow
Category:World War I memorials in the United Kingdom
Category:World War II memorials in Scotland
Category:1924 establishments in Scotland
Category:Listed monuments and memorials in Scotland


Newcourt, Exeter

Newcourt is a recently developed suburb of Exeter, located between Digby and Topsham. The area is primarily a housing estate, but includes a community centre, a train station (Newcourt) and a branch of IKEA, which opened in May 2018.

History
During World War II, much of the land at Newcourt was used as a US Navy Supply Depot due to the strong transport links of Exeter. This facility was instrumental in the Normandy landings.

In 2010, Exeter City Council produced a masterplan for Newcourt to include provisions for 3,500 homes to be built by 2026.

References

Category:Exeter
Category:Devon


Kronos: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Synthesis

Kronos: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Synthesis published articles on topics related to the theories of Immanuel Velikovsky, it was "founded, with no apologies, to deal with Velikovsky's work"; and as such hosted epigraphs on a wide range of subjects from ancient history, catastrophism and mythology. It ran 44 issues from the Spring of 1975 to the Spring of 1988. The title is an homage to the Greek name for the Roman god Saturn whose planetary namesake Velikovsky believed Earth once orbited as a satellite. Professor of Social Theory Alfred de Grazia at New York University, co-author of The Velikovsky Affair and avowed supporter of some of Velikovsky's maverick ideas, however, remarked that although the journal was devoted to discussing Velikovsky's ideas, "[t]his is not to say that the directors of Kronos were uncritical". The journal was published by Kronos Press, a division of Cosmos and Chronos (a US-registered 501(c) organization). Its subscription list grew to about 2000 and then settled to about 1500 people from 10 countries.

Books

Two issues of Kronos were also published as books:
Velikovsky and Establishment Science (Kronos Vol. III, No. 2 Winter 1977), .
Scientists Confront Scientists Who Confront Velikovsky (Kronos Vol. IV, No. 2 Winter 1978), .
Both issues concerned the 1974 AAAS meeting in San Francisco (Mon Feb 25, 1974) in a session "Velikovsky's Challenge to Science", whose papers were subsequently published in the book Scientists Confront Velikovsky (1977) (with exception of the papers from Velikovsky himself and Irving Michelson, and additional papers by the editor, Goldsmith, Isaac Asimov and David Morrison).

History

Kronos was founded in October 1974, by (1) then Associate Professor of Art History Lewis M. Greenberg of the Moore College of Art (Philadelphia), whose title was Editor-in-Chief, (2) with financing, production, and management being coordinated by then Associate Professor of Religion Warner B. Sizemore at Glassboro State College as Executive Editor, and (3) by then Professor of History Robert H. Hewsen at Glassboro State College as the first Senior Editor who was also Director of the Center for Velikovskian and Interdisciplinary Studies at Glassboro State College. With the completion of volume XII in May 1988, the Editor-in-Chief announced "KRONOS will go on hiatus with the expectation that a publication schedule can be resumed some time in 1990."  The hiatus was permanent.

Reception

In his book Beyond Velikovsky, Henry H. Bauer (a person who himself is criticized for supporting various pseudoscientific ideas) commented on a number of pro-Velikovskian journals, including Kronos, and noted:
"Contributors to these journals range from orthodox specialists who expound some aspect of their specialty, at times in criticism of Velikovskian ideas, through established specialists who keep an open mind about various aspects of Velikovsky's scenario, to the real aficionados. There are people with impeccable credentials here; see, for example, the staff of Kronos, which was listed together with professional identifications in each issue of the first five volumes of that journal: anthropologists, philosophers, physicists, psychologists, and others holding responsible positions in and outside academia."

Robert Schadewald commented that "Though Velikovsky's views were rejected by scientists, a small but vociferous band of followers carries on Velikovsky’s work. They also publish a journal, Kronos, which is at least as scientific as the Creation Research Society Quarterly."

See also
 Pensée (Immanuel Velikovsky Reconsidered), a special series of ten issues of the magazine Pensée

References

External links
Kronos Press

Category:Pseudoscience literature
Category:Pseudohistory
Category:Publications established in 1975
Category:Publications disestablished in 1988


1871 in India

Events in the year 1871 in India.

Incumbents
Richard Bourke, 6th Earl of Mayo, Viceroy

Events
October 12 – Criminal Tribes Act (CTA) enacted by British rule in India, which named over 160 communities "Criminal Tribes", i.e. hereditary criminals. It was repealed in 1949, after Independence of India.


Mourning (disambiguation)

Mourning is the state of grief over someone’s death.

Mourning may also refer to:

Expressions of grief
 Mourning ring, a finger ring worn in memory of someone who has died
 Mourning sickness, mass emotional grieving after celebrity deaths and other public traumas
 Mourning in Judaism, a set of memorial rituals in Judaism
 Mourning of Muharram, a set of memorial rituals in Islam

People
 Alonzo Mourning, NBA Hall of Fame basketball player
 Mourning Dove (author), Native American author

Birds
 Mourning collared dove, a bird of the dove family native to Africa
 Mourning dove, a bird of the dove family native to North America
 Mourning warbler, a bird of the New World warbler family

Literature
 Mourning Becomes Electra, a play by Eugene O’Neill
 Mourning Ruby, a novel by Helen Dunmore
 Mourning and Melancholia, a 1917 essay by Sigmund Freud

Film
 Mourning Grave, a 2014 South Korean film
 Mourning Wife, a 2001 Japanese film

Music
 Mourning in the Morning, 1969 album by blues singer Otis Rush
 Mourning (Tantric song), 2001 song by the American rock band Tantric
 Mourning in America and Dreaming in Color, 2012 album by American rapper Brother Ali
 Mourning Noise, an American punk band
 Symphony No. 44 (Haydn), a symphony by Joseph Haydn popularly known as Mourning
 In Mourning (album), the third and final album by death metal band Brutality
 In Mourning (band), a progressive death metal band from Falun, Sweden

Other
 Mourning Angel, a public monument in Tolyatti, Russia

See also
 Day of mourning (disambiguation)
 Morning (disambiguation)


2010 Canadian federal budget

The Canadian federal budget for the 2010-2011 fiscal year (April 1, 2010 - March 31, 2011) was presented to the House of Commons of Canada by Finance Minister Jim Flaherty on March 4, 2010 after returning from a two-month prorogued parliament.

Areas of direction
$3.2 billion in personal income tax relief.
Over $4 billion in actions to create and protect jobs.
$7.7 billion in infrastructure stimulus to create jobs.
Nearly $2 billion to help create the "Economy of Tomorrow"
$2.2 billion to support industries and communities.
 Fiscal spending of $1.6 billion on unemployment benefits and $1 billion in new skills and training programs.
 Youth-related spending of $108-million

During the budget speech on 4 March 2010, Flaherty announced the use of a polymer substrate for the upcoming Frontier Series of banknotes of the Canadian dollar and that future versions of the loonie ($1 coin) and toonie ($2 coin) would be made of steel instead of nickel to reduce manufacturing costs.

The New Democrats and Bloc Quebecois voted against the budget, which passed due to 30 Liberal abstentions.

Notes

References

External links
http://money.ca.msn.com/federalbudget/article.aspx?cp-documentid=23579149

Category:Canadian budgets
Federal budget
Category:2010 in Canadian law
Canadian federal budget


Kotal e Hindukush

Kotal-e Hindukush is a mountain pass in Parwan Province, Afghanistan. It is 205 m lower than the mountain Band e Hindukush.

References

Category:Mountain passes of Afghanistan
Category:Landforms of Parwan Province


Associated Television International

Associated Television International is a television production company mainly specializing in American and international syndication through production and distribution. The company is based out of a facility on Wilshire Boulevard in Los Angeles, mainly distributing and producing their own programming.

Filmography

References

External links

Category:1982 establishments in California
Category:Associated Television International
Category:Companies based in Los Angeles
Category:Film production companies of the United States
Category:Media companies of the United States
Category:Television production companies of the United States


Single by Contract

Single by Contract () is a 2010 German comedy film directed by Marc Rothemund.

Plot
Lila (Anna Fischer) returns to Berlin after spending a year in the United States. She meets Chriz (Kostja Ullmann) and falls in love with him. Unbeknown to her, Chriz is the celebrated star of Berlin Mitte, a famous band.

Cast
 Anna Fischer - Lila Lorenz
 Kostja Ullmann - Chriz
 Inka Friedrich - Dr. Angelika Lorenz
  - Luzy Lorenz
  - Nike
  - Paul
  - Tom

References

External links

Category:2010s comedy films
Category:German films


Hadjé Halimé

Hadjé Halimé Oumar (1930-2001) was a Chadian activist, educator, and politician.

Biography
Halimé was born in the town of Salamat in 1930 to a mother from Salamat and a father from Abeche. She became involved with the Parti Progressiste Tchadien (PPT) in 1950 while working as a Quranic instructor. She was able to bring in more women who did not know French due to her knowledge of Chadian Arabic. At the time she had only a limited grasp of French.  She was particularly close to Gabriel Lisette, the founder of the party, and his wife, Lisette Yéyon. She became responsible for recruiting Northern women following the General Meeting of 2 April 1950. Halimé harshly criticized the colonial administration's poll tax, and declared that if the PPT secured a victory, the poll tax would be abolished for all despite the platform calling for ending the tax only on women. She explained that "women were arrested on their arrival on the market or anywhere. They were left in the sun until they paid the tax which was 370 riyals per person." She declared that Lisette was the undisputed leader of the party, despite the rise of Southern Chadian politician François Tombalbaye, and traveled to France on Lisette's urging to meet with the French politician Rene Coty.

However, in 1959 and 1960 Tombalbaye gained power and Lisette was removed from power. Halimé became the target of repression soon after independence, unlike her PPT female colleague Kaltouma Nguembang. As part of a purge of those near to Lisette, Halimé's only son was murdered, and she was arrested in September 1963. At first, she was taken to Massenya in Chari-Baguirmi Region, then to a central prison in Chad's capital of N'Djamena, and finally to a dreaded prison at Kela. At the Kela prison, she was regularly tortured by guards through electrocution while French and Israeli army officers supervised. Her torture resulted in her losing all her fingernails and hair. Despite Tombalbaye wanting Halimé to be killed, a French officer spared her life. In an interview, she stated that only her faith was able to keep her going through the difficult circumstances of torture. She was finally released on 28 April 1975, days after the overthrow ofTombalbaye and his regime. Out of 600 people who were imprisoned during this purge, she was one of only 45 who lived.

Lisette, who had been exiled in France, helped bring her to Paris to receive medical treatment. Halimé spent time in a hospital in Cote d'Ivoire, where the president Felix Houphouet-Boigny mandated that her medical care was free. She later joined the National Liberation Front of Chad or FROLINAT, which was based in Libya. In 1978, she moved to Tripoli and returned to politics. FROLINAT members dubbed her "the mother of the revolution", and the party seized power in 1979. She also began educating girls in Libya and founded an Islamic school, the Rising New Generation, where she taught religion, home economics, and child care. She taught over 3600 girls at the school during her years there.

She returned to N'Djamena in 1980 with the Popular Armed Forces (FAP) leader Goukouni Oueddei. She was then the president of the women's faction of FROLINAT. After the election of Hissène Habré in 1982, she left with forces loyal to Oueddeï in Libya. While in Libya, Halimé taught military skills to exiled Chadian women. She returned to Chad in 1991, a year after the overthrow of Habré by Idriss Déby. Many people told Deby they would support him only if he received the backing of Halimé, which she eventually did. Shortly after her return, she won a seat in Chad's parliament and served there until 1996.

In 1993, she participated in the National Sovereign Conference (CNS), and was one of the most fervent defenders of the Arabic language. In 1994, she created an association called Women Az-Zara. On behalf of the association, she was voted among ten women candidates to be a member of the Higher Council of Transition, staying four years. In June 1996, she ran for parliament as a member of the opposition National Front of Chad party, as it was impossible to run as an independent. She was defeated but maintained the election was rigged. Halimé afterwards cared for orphans whose parents were killed in the Habré regime. She also opened an Arabic school in N'Djamena.

She went on six pilgrimages to Mecca in her life, including one last trip in 2000.  She died on 7 January 2001, and is fondly remembered as a women's resistance figure in Chad today. Summing up her legacy, she stated,  "I fought for the people as I struggled against the colonizer."

References

Category:2001 deaths
Category:Chadian women in politics
Category:Chadian educators
Category:1930 births
Category:20th-century women politicians
Category:People from Salamat Region
Category:Chadian Progressive Party politicians


Sean Yazbeck

Sean Yazbeck is a British businessman. <ref name=  He is the winner of the fifth season (2006) of Donald Trump's reality show, The Apprentice.   He is the recipient of the 2014 'British Entrepreneur of The Year Award' from the British Government's, Department for International Trade (previously UKTI).  He is the Founder and CEO of an Inc. 500 Fastest Growing Company in America. <ref name=  He is the benefactor of 'The Sean Yazbeck Centre for Digital Innovation' at Solent University, a learning centre for BSc, MSc and PhD degrees in media, software and business. <ref name=

Business
Yazbeck has business interests in technology, digital advertising and real-estate.  He worked with Donald Trump to build the $500 million, five-star hotel, Trump SoHo in New York City.  He also worked with the Trump Organization to found the technology services company, Wavsys. As of 2014, Wavsys is an 'Inc. 500 Fastest Growing Company in America', with over $100 million per annum in revenue and employing more than 500 employees.  He owns the Industry 4.0 field services digitalization software platform, Scopeworker. On May 22, 2018, The Wall Street Journal reported that Scopeworker signed a multi-billion dollar deal with the Sprint Corporation to automate the procure-manage-pay of supplier services for their 5G network deployment.<ref name=.  Yazbeck also owns the digital advertising firm, Admazing <ref name=.   In a 2015 interview with Fortune Magazine, Yazbeck said his business successes were due in part to Donald Trump's mentoring, saying, "I learnt a lot of things from Mr. Trump [including] do something you love and do something you know."

Personal life
Yazbeck was born in the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea in London, England. He attended William Ellis School in Highgate, London. He graduated from Solent University in Southampton, England with a First Class Honors Degree.  He later received an Honorary Doctorate (PhD h.c.) of Business from Solent University where he is also a visiting lecturer. <ref name= He is the benefactor of The Sean Yazbeck Centre for Digital Innovation at Solent University, a learning centre for BSc, MSc and PhD degrees in media, software and business. He opened the centre with Solent University's Chairman Theo Paphitis in July 2019. <ref name=  He was awarded the EB-1 visa green card for "persons of extraordinary ability". He lives in Miami Beach, Florida.  He plays polo for the Grand Champions Polo Club in Wellington, Florida and is a member of the Miami chapter of The Young Presidents' Organization (YPO), a global network of young chief executives. In 2008, in reference to his charity work with "Voices for Children", the Governor of Kentucky, Steve Beshear, bestowed the honorary title of Kentucky Colonel on Yazbeck, "in recognition of noteworthy accomplishments and outstanding service to the nation."  In 2006, the then Mayor of Miami-Dade County, Florida, Carlos Álvarez (mayor), proclaimed June 20 as “Sean Yazbeck Day” in Miami-Dade County.  Yazbeck is a patron of the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra, the New World Symphony (orchestra) and the Pérez Art Museum Miami. In 2014, Haute Living named Yazbeck "one of Miami’s most eligible bachelors".

The Apprentice Season 5
Yazbeck and Piers Morgan are the only non-Americans to have won Donald Trump's The Apprentice.  Both are British.   Yazbeck was selected to appear on The Apprentice because he had been awarded the EB-1 visa green card for "persons of extraordinary ability". He won more tasks than any other Apprentice candidate and remained unbeaten as Project Manager over the 18-weeks.  He was chosen by Donald Trump to be the next apprentice during the show's live finale in Los Angeles.  According to Trump, Yazbeck overwhelmingly won the national vote, the first ever conducted for an Apprentice finale.   In the final task, Yazbeck was chosen to oversee a Barenaked Ladies charity concert, sponsored by Pontiac, to benefit the World Wildlife Fund. For winning the final task and being hired as Trump's Apprentice, Yazbeck chose to oversee the Trump SoHo project, with a one-year contract exceeding $250,000. He was also given a new Pontiac G6 hardtop convertible, mirroring Kendra Todd's reward of a Pontiac Solstice.  Yazbeck returned as a boardroom judge on The Apprentice 6 (2007), and hosted his own show, Reality Trailblazers, on the TV Guide Channel. He also appeared on Miss Universe (as a judge), Live with Regis and Kelly, MTV Video Music Awards, 1 vs. 100, Soap Talk, Identity and MTV's From G's to Gents.

References

External links

 The Apprentice Yahoo! Bio
 The Apprentice NBC Bio
 Sean Yazbeck's Faculty Bio at Trump University
 The Apprentice – Where Are They Now? at NBC.com

Category:Living people
Category:Businesspeople from London
Category:British chief executives
Category:Alumni of Solent University
Category:People educated at William Ellis School
Category:British expatriates in the United States
Category:Businesspeople from New York City
Category:The Trump Organization employees
Category:21st-century British businesspeople
Category:21st-century American businesspeople
Category:Businesspeople in telecommunications
Category:Businesspeople in construction
Category:British real estate businesspeople
Category:British business executives
Category:Year of birth missing (living people)


Yunogo Onsen

or simply Yunogō is a hot spring town located in Mimasaka city of Okayama Prefecture, Japan. The waters of the Yunogo hot springs (onsen in Japanese) are a mixture of sodium chloride and calcium chloride, with the amount of discharge at 540 L/min. The waters are said to have healing effects on those suffering from chronic digestive disorders, nerve pain, rheumatism, arthralgia, chronic feminine problems, and skin problems.

History

Yunogo Onsen is known as “Sagi no-yu,” or hot water of the heron (sagi is the Japanese word for egret or heron) because 1,200 years ago a Buddhist high priest named En-nin-houshi discovered an injured heron bathing its wounded leg in the waters of a hot spring in Yunogo.  This is how the special healing powers of these waters were discovered, and they now have evolved into a spot where people come to relax and enjoy the waters. There is a statue of En-nin with a heron outside of the “Yunogo Sagi Onsen-kan,” the public bathhouse created in the exact spot where the heron's hot spring was discovered.

Events
 Night Time Cherry Blossom Watching - Early April - The night time cherry blossom watching bus tour to Tsuyama Castle (Kakuzan Park.) This is one of the best cherry blossom viewing spots in western Japan. (bus: 30 min. one way)
 Koinobori (carp streamer) - Early April to early May - 30 koinobori are flown from the “You-ragi Bridge” on the Yoshino River.
 Mimasaka Furusato Summer Festival, Firework Show - Early July - Many night vendor stalls open at the time of festival, alongside a firework show.
 Yu-jinja Shrine Autumn Festival - Middle of October - Hoping for fertility, people carrying miniature shrines (mikoshi) and danjiri walk around the area in Yunogo.
 Decorative Illumination - Early December to early January - Decorations illuminate the spring resort area in the winter night.

Points of Interest
 You-ragi Bridge Fountain - A  fountain in the image of a white heron stands as a symbol of Yunogo Onsen. The fountain illuminates during nighttime.
 Japan Museum of Contemporary Toy & Hall of Music Box - More than 100-year-old music boxes and wind-up dolls, as well as the toys made after 1950 are exhibited.
 Yunogo Onsen Train Model & Retro Toy House - Diorama of train models and classic toys are collected here.
 Ohyama Observatory - A vast and panoramic view of Yunogo Onsen and the Chūgoku Mountains can be seen from this observatory.
 Roadside station, Saisai-jaya - The delicacies of Sakushu, black soybeans and other processed foods, as well as local foods and flowers of the season can be purchased here.

Access
By Bus: 1 hour and 40 min. from JR Okayama St. by bus headed to “Yunogo Onsen”. Get off the bus at “Yunogo.”  40 min. from Tsuyama St. of the JR Tsuyama Line by bus headed to “Yunogo Onsen.” Get off the bus at “Yunogo.”
By Car: 10 min. from Mimasaka IC of Chugoku Express Way

References

External links

 Official Yunogo Onsen Town Homepage (Japanese)
 Official Okayama Prefecture Tourism Information Homepage

Category:Hot springs of Japan
Category:Spa towns in Japan
Category:Tourist attractions in Okayama Prefecture


Saint-Aubin-de-Luigné

Saint-Aubin-de-Luigné is a former commune in the Maine-et-Loire department in western France. On 31 December 2015, it was merged into the new commune Val-du-Layon.

Geography
The commune is traversed by the river Layon.

See also
Communes of the Maine-et-Loire department

References
 INSEE commune file

Saintaubindeluigne


Costeff syndrome

Costeff syndrome, or 3-methylglutaconic aciduria type III, is a  genetic disorder caused by mutations in the OPA3 gene. It is typically associated with the onset of visual deterioration (optic atrophy) in early childhood followed by the development of movement problems and motor disability in later childhood, occasionally along with mild cases of cognitive deficiency. The disorder is named after Hanan Costeff, the doctor who first described the syndrome in 1989.

Signs and symptoms
The characteristic symptom of Costeff syndrome is the onset of progressively worsening eyesight caused by degeneration of the optic nerve (optic atrophy) within the first few years of childhood, with the majority of affected individuals also developing motor disabilities later in childhood. Occasionally, people with Costeff syndrome may also experience mild cognitive disability.

It is type of 3-methylglutaconic aciduria, the hallmark of which is an increased level in the urinary concentrations of 3-methylglutaconic acid and 3-methylglutaric acid; this can allow diagnosis as early as at one year of age.

Those with Costeff syndrome typically experience the first symptoms of visual deterioration within the first few years of childhood, which manifests as the onset of progressively decreasing visual acuity. This decrease tends to continue with age, even after childhood.

The majority of people with Costeff syndrome develop movement problems and motor disabilities later in childhood, the two most significant of which are choreoathetosis and spasticity. The former causes involuntary erratic, jerky, and twisting movements (see chorea and athetosis), whereas the latter causes twitches and spastic tendencies.

These two symptoms are often severe enough to seriously disable an individual; among 36 people with Costeff syndrome, 17 experienced major motor disability as a result of choreoathetosis, and 12 experienced spasticity-related symptoms severe enough to do the same.

Ataxia (loss of muscle coordination) and speech impairment caused by dysarthria also occur in roughly 50% of cases, but are rarely seriously disabling.
Some individuals with Costeff disease also display mild cognitive impairment, though such cases are relatively infrequent.

Genetics
Costeff syndrome is a neuro-ophthalmological genetic disorder; specifically, it is an autosomal recessive disorder caused by a mutation in the OPA3 gene, which carries instructions for synthesis of its gene product, the OPA3 protein. The exact function of the product protein is unknown, though it is known to play an integral role in mitochondrial function.

The disorder can be caused by several different mutations in the OPA3 gene. However, nearly all reported cases of Costeff syndrome has been in individuals of Iraqi Jewish origin, all of whom share the same splice site founder mutation.

In particular, this founder mutation is a G-to-C mutation of a single nucleotide (see single-nucleotide polymorphism) which interferes with gene expression levels of OPA3. Though the mutation is the same within this population, the severity of symptoms varies with the individual.

To date, there have only been two reported cases of Costeff syndrome not due to the founder mutation, each of which was due to a different pathogenic variants (mutation).

Two other OPA3 mutations have also been reported which result in a rare dominant genetic disorder with symptoms similar to Costeff syndrome.

Diagnosis
Costeff syndrome can be diagnosed by the presence of increased levels of 3-methylglutaconic acid in the urine, or 3-methylglutaconic aciduria.

Treatment
There is currently no cure for Costeff syndrome. Treatment is supportive, and thus focuses on management of the symptoms. The resulting visual impairment, spasticity, and movement disorders are treated in the same way as similar cases occurring in the general population.

Prognosis
The long-term prognosis of Costeff syndrome is unknown, though it appears to have no effect on life expectancy at least up to the fourth decade of life. However, as mentioned previously, movement problems can often be severe enough to confine individuals to a wheelchair at an early age, and both visual acuity and spasticity tend to worsen over time.

Epidemiology
First described in 1989, Costeff syndrome has been reported almost exclusively in individuals of Iraqi Jewish origin with only two exceptions, one of whom was a Turkish Kurdish, with the other being of Indian descent. Within the Iraqi Jewish population, the carrier frequency of the founder mutation is about 1/10, with the prevalence of Costeff syndrome itself estimated at anywhere between 1 in 400 and 1 in 10,000.

See also
List of systemic diseases with ocular manifestations
Behr syndrome
3-Methylglutaconic aciduria
Mitochondrial Disorders
Optic Atrophy
Costeff Syndrome

References

External links

Category:Phospholipid metabolism disorders
Category:Genetic diseases and disorders
Category:Syndromes affecting the eyes


Carrara Stadium

Carrara Stadium (known commercially as Metricon Stadium) is a sporting venue on the Gold Coast in Queensland, Australia, located in the suburb of Carrara.

The venue is primarily used for Australian rules football, serving as the home ground of the Gold Coast Suns, who compete in the Australian Football League. In addition, the venue is used occasionally for cricket, including Big Bash League matches. Carrara Stadium received substantial redevelopment work prior to the entry of the Brisbane Bears to the VFL/AFL in 1987, but following the Bears relocation to the Brisbane Cricket Ground in 1993, it was used for other sports including rugby league, rugby union and even baseball. The stadium has hosted the opening and closing ceremonies of the 2018 Commonwealth Games as well as the athletics competitions.

History

Early history
In 1983 the Nerang Bulls Rugby Union Club was formed and were located at Carrara Oval. During 1983 the Bulls would field one senior team. In 1984 the Bulls would field two senior teams. The Bulls would spend two seasons at Carrara before moving to Glennon Park in Nerang in 1985.

On 7 October 1986 it was announced that Australian rules football club the Brisbane Bears were granted a licence to enter the Victorian Football League for the 1987 VFL season. Bears President Paul Cronin announced on 23 December 1986 that the club would use Carrara Oval as their home ground. The financial backer of the Bears, Christopher Skase, spent $1 million redeveloping Carrara Oval over a 10-week period at the beginning of 1987 which included upgraded player facilities, seating for 6000 spectators and new electronic scoreboard. The Fitzroy Lions defeated the Brisbane Bears in the first VFL game played at Carrara Oval before a crowd of 17,795 on 19 April 1987. (The Brisbane Lions website records this crowd as unofficially 22,684).

In 1989 the Brisbane Bears and the Albert Shire Council signed off on a 30-year lease for the ground with an option for a further 10 years. Following this announcement Christpher Skase orchestrated the installment of $6 million flood lights which were never paid for; upon the collapse of Skase's company Qintex, he would flee the country to Spain and the flood lights would continue to be unpaid. Liquidators would attempt to extract money from the Gold Coast City Council for the lights, but after an unsuccessful trial it was found cheaper to leave the flood lights at Carrara Stadium. On 15 July 1989 the Bears hosted the first ever night match at Carrara against the Geelong Cats in front of a then record crowd of 18,198.

Insufficient public transport to and from the stadium and the poor on-field performance of the Bears resulted in poor crowds at the Bears games and prompted the local media to refer to it as the Curse of Carrara. The new owner of the Bears, Reuben Pelerman, would lose a further $10 million between the 1990–1992 AFL seasons, and the Bears would move permanently to the Brisbane Cricket Ground in 1993, staving off media rumours of a merger with fellow cellar-dwellers Sydney to form a combined Queensland/New South Wales team, the Northern Swans, or relocation to either Tasmania or Port Adelaide.

In 1988, Carrara Stadium played host to the very first Touch Football World Cup in which teams from Australia, Canada, New Zealand, Papua New Guinea and the USA competed in the Men's, Women's and Mixed Opens as well as Men's Over 35's divisions. Australia won all four division finals which were all played against New Zealand. The Gold Coast Clippers played their 1989–1990 Australian Baseball League (1989-1999) season at Carrara before changing their name to the Daikyo Dolphins and moving to Palm Meadows. For the 1992–93 season they moved back to Carrara as the Gold Coast Cougars. The Cougars stayed at Carrara until the abolition of the Australian Baseball League in 1999. The Brazilian football team set up camp at Carrara Stadium for pre-tournament training before the 2000 Summer Olympics. The Brazilians later commented that the surface at Carrara was one of the best in the world.

The ground was owned by the Albert Shire Council and transferred to the Gold Coast City Council when the two local authorities amalgamated in 1995. The field is officially known as Laver Oval after long time Albert Shire Chairman Councillor Bill Laver.

Growth
Following the folding of the Gold Coast Seagulls in 1995 a newly formed Gold Coast rugby league team named the Gold Coast Chargers were created and began competing out of Carrara Stadium in 1996. They continued to use the ground until the end of the 1998 NRL season when they were excluded from the competition as a part of the rationalisation of the National Rugby League. Rugby league matches continued to be played at the stadium, with pre-season trials being played there annually from 2002 to 2005, and NRL premiership matches played in 2001 and 2005. The ground's capacity was increased slightly during this time.

In 2005 the NRL announced that a licence would be awarded to the Gold Coast Titans, and that the stadium would be their home ground in 2007  until the completion of the Robina Stadium, which was opened in 2008. In response to the NRL move, the AFL scheduled three AFL 'home games' for the North Melbourne Football Club and a NAB Cup match for Carrara in 2007, and the Queensland State League began hosting grand finals there. The Titans would play ten games at Carrara in 2007 and miss the finals. Following the conclusion of the 2007 NRL season, Titans managing director Michael Searle warned the AFL that if a team were to be started on the Gold Coast it would disappear into the Carrara 'black hole' within five years.

In 2006 it was announced the North Melbourne Football Club would play nine home games at Carrara between the 2007–2009 seasons. Following the 2007 AFL season the AFL offered the Kangaroos a $100 million package to relocate from Melbourne to the Gold Coast and be based out of Carrara. On 7 December 2007 the newly appointed Kangaroos chairman James Brayshaw announced the club would not be moving to the Gold Coast permanently and would continue to be based out of Melbourne. Subsequently, the Kangaroos games played at Carrara after the announcement suffered poor crowds. The AFL released North Melbourne from the final year of a three-year contract after they drew just 6,354 spectators to their first home match at Carrara for the 2008 season.

Carlton, Richmond and St Kilda subsequently hosted the remaining home games during the 2009 season.

Redevelopment

On 7 May 2009, it was confirmed that the Carrara Stadium would receive a $126 million redevelopment, providing a suitable stadium for new AFL club the Gold Coast Suns. The last event at the old ground was Richmond vs Adelaide in front of 11,174 fans. On 30 October 2009, demolition of the old stadium began. By January 2010, demolition works were complete. Foundations for the grandstands as well as construction for the player and corporate facilities began in May 2010. By October 2010, the eastern grandstand was nearing completion. Just three months later in January 2011 the whole horseshoe-shaped grandstand was completed. By April 2011, the turf had been laid and the , LED-powered high-definition video board had been installed.

The redeveloped stadium cost $144.2 million to build and seats 25,000 spectators (with the ability to house an additional 15,000 temporary seats). The stadium features an AFL oval capable of accommodating an ICC-compliant cricket oval, an IAAF Athletics field and a FIFA World Cup football field, facilities for 2,000 corporate patrons, AFL team and officials’ changing facilities, AFL media facilities, and team and officials’ suites. Watpac were contracted for the construction, which was scheduled for completion in mid-2011. The stadium then played host to an International rules football in November 2011, with 12,595 watching Ireland defeat Australia by 50 points to 29. MakMax Australia was contracted to complete the fabric roof of the stadium. The stadium was opened for an open day on 22 May 2011, before the first match on 28 May 2011. The ground recorded its biggest ever crowd when 24,032 people watched the Suns play  in Round 16 of the 2014 AFL season, a game the Suns won by 5 points.

The venue hosted the inaugural Grand Final of AFL Women's on 25 March 2017. The Adelaide Crows defeated the Brisbane Lions 35 points to 29. The Lions won the right to host the match, but Carrara Stadium was used because the Lions' preferred venue, the Brisbane Cricket Ground, was unavailable. A men's QClash took place at Carrara Stadium on the same evening.

The Gold Coast's successful bid for the 2018 Commonwealth Games resulted in the stadium being upgraded to a temporary seating capacity of 35,000, which was dismantled after the Games and restored back to 25,000. The stadium hosted the opening and closing ceremonies as well as the athletics.

Stadium uses
Carrara is the home ground for Australian rules football club the Gold Coast Suns, who compete in the Australian Football League (AFL), and also hosts events such as junior representative championships and QAFL games.

Gold Coast Suns

The Gold Coast Suns have played their home games at Carrara since mid-2011. The Queensland Government contributed $60 million towards the redevelopment of the stadium, increasing the capacity to around 25,000 of which 23,500 is seated. The Gold Coast City Council also contributed $20 million and the AFL $10 million.

The Gold Coast Suns played their first game at the reconstructed stadium on Saturday, 28 May 2011, in Round 10 of the 2011 AFL season. The Suns lost the match against  by 66 points. A round 18 game against 2010 premiers  attracted a then-record crowd of 23,302, selling out two months before game day. On Saturday 11 August 2012, the Suns won their first game at the venue, defeating  by 30 points.

Crowds would not reach in excess of 20,000 again until Round 12, 2014, when 21,354 fans watched the Suns take on the Sydney Swans in a game that marked the first time Gary Ablett, Jr. and Lance Franklin went head-to-head since defecting from their original clubs, as well as this being Franklin's first match on the Gold Coast as an AFL player. The record crowd was broken in 2014 when 24,032 attended the Suns' Round 16 game against Collingwood, which the Suns won by five points despite losing their captain Gary Ablett to a season-ending shoulder injury.

Cricket

The Gold Coast District Cricket Club was formed in 1990 and shared tenancy of Carrara Stadium with the Brisbane Bears. They would continue to be based at Carrara until 1993 when they moved to Robina. The stadium hosted an international cricket match between Queensland and England in January 1991. Controversy fell over the ground when touring English players David Gower and John Morris chose to go for a joy-ride in two Tiger moth biplanes without telling the England team management and buzzed the stadium in the middle of play. Gower and Morris also posed for press photographs with the plane later that afternoon. Both players were subsequently fined £1000 for the prank, a penalty that could have been steeper had Gower elected to release the water bombs he had prepared. Carrara also played host to a 50-over match between Queensland and the West Indies on 1 January 1992, which the visitors won by 7 wickets.

Carrara hosted its first international cricket match since redevelopment on 17 November 2018 with Australia taking on South Africa in a Twenty20 match in front of 12,866 spectators. Carrara hosted three games during the 2018–19 Big Bash League season, two of those games hosted by the Brisbane Heat and the other game hosted by the Melbourne Stars. The record cricket crowd was set on New Years Day in 2020 when the Brisbane Heat lost to the Perth Scorchers in front of 20,135 spectators. The stadium remains a potential future home ground for a Gold Coast-based Big Bash League side that enters the competition.  Afghanistan are scheduled to play Australia in test match in November 2020.

Musical acts
Carrara hosted a triple header of entertainment events on the Easter long weekend in 2001. The first night saw Kiss perform and become the first international act to play at the Stadium. Former KISS lead guitarist and foundation band member Ace Frehley revealed in his 2011 autobiography that he punched then-tour manager Tommy Thayer in the jaw while in the dressing room at the conclusion of the Gold Coast concert in 2001. The stadium served as the venue for the last leg of the Kiss Farewell Tour and Thayer would later replace Frehley as the lead guitarist in the band. The next night saw rock legend Alice Cooper perform at the stadium. The third and final night of the long weekend saw the Anthony Mundine-Timo Masua boxing match take place at Carrara.

On 10 December 2011 the Foo Fighters performed at Carrara and set the all-time attendance record for any event ever held at Carrara Stadium, 37,000 people attended the concert. The stadium is also featured in the Foo Fighters film clip of "These Days". Filming took place during the concert on 10 December 2011. On 19 January 2014, the venue hosted the Gold Coast leg of the Big Day Out. The stadium was set to serve as the host of the two-day SandTunes Music Festival on 30 November & 1 December 2019, prior to its cancellation. The line-up included acts such as Travis Scott, Dean Lewis and Carly Rae Jepsen.

Queen + Adam Lambert played at the stadium on 29 February 2020 in the final concert of their Australian leg of The Rhapsody Tour and pulled a record crowd of 40,000 attendees.

Commonwealth Games

Carrara Stadium hosted the opening and closing ceremonies of the 2018 Commonwealth Games as well as hosting the athletics events. The athlete's village was originally going to be located next to Carrara Stadium but instead was constructed in Southport. The stadium was temporarily upgraded to hold 35,000 people prior to the start of the opening ceremony.

Naming rights
The stadium lacked a naming rights sponsor in its formative decades, bearing the names Carrara Stadium and Gold Coast Stadium between its opening in 1987 and 2011. On 15 March 2011, the Gold Coast Football Club announced that nationally active home builder group Metricon Homes had signed a $3 million, 5-year deal for naming rights of Carrara Stadium, to be known henceforth as Metricon Stadium. In March 2016 Metricon Homes signed a 5-year extension deal with the Suns until 25 March 2020 for the naming rights of the stadium. The agreement has since been extended to the end of 2022.

Transport access

The nearest railway station is Nerang, a 25-minute walk from the stadium. On match and event days, special shuttle bus services from Nerang station and Broadbeach serve the stadium. The shuttle buses travel along Route 745, a route that usually passes the stadium on non-match days. Future transport plans include a ferry service and light rail extension that will stop at the stadium.

AFL records

Individual

Last updated: 1 October 2019

Cricket records

Twenty20

Individual (batting)

Individual (bowling)

Last updated: 2 Jan 2020

Attendance records

Sports
NOTE: This table does not include stadium attendances at the 2018 Commonwealth Games.

Last updated: 2 January 2020AFL Tables - Crowds - Carrara

Other events

Awards

Won
 2011 AFL Fans Favourite Venue
 2012 ASI Steel Design Awards for Queensland – Best Large Project Building
 2012 ASI Steel Design Awards for Queensland – Best Engineering Project Building
 2012 ASI Steel Design Awards for Queensland – Best Use of Sustainability
 2012 ASI Steel Design Awards for Queensland – Best Sporting and Community Facility over $20 million

Nominated
 2012 ASI Steel Design Awards for Queensland – Project of the Year
 2012 Stadium Business Awards – Project of the Year

See also

 Gold Coast Sports Precinct
 Sports on the Gold Coast, Queensland

Notes

Sources
 AFL Attendance Records
 NRL Attendance Records
 Gold Coast City Council – Carrara Stadium
 BPN news article

References

External links

 Description and aerial view of Carrara Oval at the Gold Coast City Council's web site

 Bring Carrara Back to Life – But Slowly

Category:Rugby league stadiums in Australia
Category:Rugby union stadiums in Australia
Category:Australian Football League grounds
Category:Sports venues on the Gold Coast, Queensland
Category:History of Gold Coast, Queensland
Category:Baseball venues in Australia
Category:Defunct cricket grounds in Australia
Category:2018 Commonwealth Games venues
Category:Gold Coast Titans
Category:Gold Coast Suns
Category:Athletics (track and field) venues in Australia
Category:Sports venues completed in 1987
Category:North East Australian Football League grounds
Category:AFL Women's grounds
Category:Queensland Reds


Hyun-sook

Hyun-sook, also spelled Hyon-suk or Hyeon-sook, is a Korean feminine given name. Its meaning differs based on the hanja used to write each syllable of the name. There are 35 hanja with the reading "hyun" and 13 hanja with the reading "sook" on the South Korean government's official list of hanja which may be registered for use in given names. Hyun-sook was the sixth-most popular name for newborn girls in South Korea in 1950, falling to eighth place by 1960.

People with this name include:
Chung Hyun-sook (born 1950s), South Korean table tennis player
Han Hyun-sook (born 1970), South Korean handball player
Lee Hyeon-sook (born 1971), South Korean comics artist
Kim Hyun-sook (born 1978), South Korean actress and comedian
Ko Hyon-suk (born 1985), North Korean speed skater
Pak Hyon-suk (born 1985), North Korean weightlifter
Ri Hyon-suk (born 1989), North Korean volleyball player
Goo Hyun-sook, South Korean television writer

See also
List of Korean given names

References

Category:Korean feminine given names