The Pedophocracy by David McGowan
1. Bates, Stephen �Cover-Up Claims Revive Sex Scandal,� Guardian    UK, April 21, 1999
2. Bates, Stephen �Police Admit Dutroux Video Bungle,� Guardian    UK, June 17, 1999
3. Bailey, Brandon �Net-Porn Ring Traded Stories at �Pedo Party�,� San Jose Mercury News, July 18, 1996
4. Bell, Rachael "Marc Dutroux: the Child-Killer Who Slipped Through    the System,� The Crime Library, www.crimelibrary.com
5. Boggan, Steve and Paul Peachey �As the Net Closed on Wonderland,    An Ugly Truth Was Revealed: This is Just the Tip of the Iceberg,� The    Independent (UK), February 14, 2001
6. Burke, Jason �Most Wanted Paedophile May Be in UK,� Guardian    UK, June 17, 2001
7. Carroll, Rory �Paedophile Scandal Boosts Cover-Up Conspiracy,� Guardian UK, November 1, 2000
8. Cranford, Helen �Police �Warned Over Dutroux,�� News Telegraph,    December 6, 1996
9. Dahlburg, John-Thor �Grisly Crimes Undermine Belgian Unity,� Los Angeles Times, January 3, 1998
10. Davies, Nick and Jeevan Vasager �Global Porn Ring Broken,� Guardian UK, January 11, 2001
11. Dixon, Robyn "3 Top Latvians Are Named in Investigation of    Pedophilia,� Los Angeles Times, February 19, 2000
12. Dolgov, Anna �Russians Want Laws on Child Porn,� Associated    Press, March 27, 2001
13. Fritz, Mark and Solomon Moore �Suicides Follow Bust of Net    Child-Porn Ring,� San Jose Mercury News, October 24, 1998
14. Graff, Peter �Child Porn Videos Sold From Russia in �National    Geographic� Boxes,� The Independent (UK), March 26, 2001
15. Hartley, Emma and Paul Peachey �Outrage Over �Lenient� Jail    Terms for Britons in Child Porn Ring,� The Independent (UK),    February 14, 2001
16. Helm, Toby �Paedophile Hunt Police Find Human Skull,� News    Telegraph, September 4, 1996
17. Helm, Toby �Dutroux Urged to Name His Protectors,� News    Telegraph, September 5, 1996
18. Helm, Toby �Belgian King Acts Over Child Sex Scandal,� News    Telegraph, September 11, 1996
19. Helm, Toby �Belgium Fights to Shed Its Corruption-Riddled Mafia    Image,� News Telegraph, September 14, 1996
20. Helm, Toby and Pamela Readhead �Magistrate to be Taken Off Child    Sex Case,� News Telegraph, October 13, 1996
21. Helm, Toby �Belgians Up in Arms Over Sex Case,� News    Telegraph, October 16, 1996
22. Helm, Toby �Plea by King as Belgians Protest Over Corruption,� News Telegraph, October 19, 1996
23. Helm, Toby �Belgians Shocked by New Disclosure About Child Sex,� News Telegraph, November 22, 1996
24. Helm, Toby �Fears Grow of New Paedophile Horror,� News    Telegraph, January 23, 1997
25. Helm, Toby �Paedophile Arrested After Girl�s Body Found,� News Telegraph, March 7, 1997
26. Helm, Toby �Raped Children �Could Have Been Found Alive,�� News Telegraph, April 16, 1997
27. Helm, Toby �Belgian Police Under Attack Over �Link� Between    Paedophiles,� News Telegraph, January 28, 1998
28. Helm, Toby �Government Crisis in Belgium Over Dutroux�s Escape,� News Telegraph, April 25, 1998
29. Helm, Toby �Belgium Accused of Cover-Up in Dutroux Inquiry,� News Telegraph, August 17, 2001
30. Herbert, Ian �Boy, 13, Arrested in Crackdown on �Net    Paedophiles�,� The Independent (UK), March 28, 2001
31. Howe, Kathleen �Russia, U.S. Shut Down Child-Porn Ring on Web,� Los Angeles Times, March 27, 2001
32. Kennedy, Frances �Italian Politicians Obstructing Inquiry Into    Child Porn on Net,� The Independent (UK), November 1, 2000
33. Laurance, Jeremy �British Police Discover More Child Abuse    Horror on Internet,� The Independent (UK), February 21, 2001
34. Murphy, Dean E. �Kidnap Deaths Plunge Belgium Into Guilt,� Los Angeles Times, September 2, 1996
35. Nundy, Julian �French Hunt 200 More Suspected Paedophiles,� News Telegraph, June 22, 1997
36. Peachey, Paul �Boy of 13 Put on Sex Offenders� Register for    Child Porn,� The Independent (UK), May 15, 2001
37. Pinon, Bertrand �Inspector Questioned in Child Sex Inquiry,� News Telegraph, August 26, 1996
38. Pullella, Philip �Italy Shocked by Child Pornography Scandal,� The Irish Times, September 29, 2000
39. Puzzanghera, Jim �International Child-Porn Ring Uncovered,� San Jose Mercury News, September 3, 1998
40. Raschke, Carl Painted Black, Harper and Row, 1990
41. Simons, Marlise �French Police Arrest 250 Men Linked to Child    Pornography Ring,� New York Times, March 14, 1997
42. Simons, Marlise �Dutch Say a Sex Ring Used Infants On Internet,� New York Times, July 19, 1998
43. Steele, John �Hunt for Girls After Bodies Found in Child-Sex    Probe,� News Telegraph, August 19, 1996
44. Sterling, Robert �Daddy�s Little Princess,� The Konformist,    www.konformist.com
45. Stout, David �Internet Child Pornography Operation Is Raided in    U.S. and Abroad,� New York Times, September 3, 1998
46. Sverdlick, Alan �The Snuff Movie Myth,� New York Post,    February 25, 1999
47. Thomas, Gordon Enslaved, Pharos Books, 1991
48. Ward, David �Police Smash Child Porn Network,� Guardian UK,    March 28, 2001
49. Warren, Marcus �Belgians Shocked by Tales of Secret Policemen�s    Orgy,� News Telegraph, March 16, 1997
50. Willan, Philip �Paedophile Videos Stun Italians,� Guardian UK,    September 29, 2000
51. Wilson, Jamie �Dismay at Paedophile Sentences,� Guardian UK,    February 14, 2001
52. �Missing Kids: Belgian Parents Take Action,� CNN.com,    August 21, 1996
53. �9 Police Detained in Child-Murder Case,� Los Angeles Times,    September 11, 1996
54. �Belgian Hero Dismissed,� New York Times, October 15,    1996
55. �Mexico Under Fire Over Child Abuse,� BBC News, November    14, 1997
56. �Dutch Investigate Child Pornography Ring Claim,� The Irish    Times, July 17, 1998
57. �Child Pornographer Found Dead in His Home,� New York Times,    September 9, 1998
58. �Child Porn �Ringleaders� Go On Trial,� BBC News, June    23, 1999
59. �Verdicts Due in French Pornography Trial,� BBC News, May    10, 2000
60. �Porn Ring �Was Real Child Abuse,�� BBC News, January 10,    2001
61. �13 Arrested in Child Porn Raids,� Guardian UK, January    17, 2001
62. �International Child Porn Ring Smashed,� BBC News, March    26, 2001
63. Encyclopaedia Britannica, www.britannica.com
The Pedophocracy,   Part II:  ... to Washington
"Paul and Shirley Eberle wrote The Politics of Child Abuse, a book    that accuses mothers, mental health professionals, and prosecutors of    feeding children stories about sexual abuse. Since the book was    published by Lyle Stuart in l986, the Eberles have been cited as experts    in sexual abuse trials � What is startling about the Eberles' reputation    as ground-breaking experts in the field is that their dubious    credentials have not been widely challenged � Their publication, Finger,    depicted scenes of bondage, S & M, and sexual activities involving    urination and defecation. A young girl portrayed with a wide smile on    her face sits on top of a man whose penis is inside of her; a woman has    oral sex with a young boy in a drawing entitled �Memories of My    Boyhood.'"
Ms. Magazine, December 1988
While the size and scope of these operations    have grown rapidly in recent years, America has - as it turns out -    always been a nation whose laws were friendly to purveyors of child    pornography. It was just over twenty years ago - in 1978 - that the very    first federal statute on child pornography was passed into law. While    forbidding production and sale, the statute placed no restrictions at    all on the possession or trade of such materials.
New laws enacted in 1984 forbid the trade of child pornography    regardless of whether any money changed hands, though possession still    remained legal. In fact, as recently as 1990, private possession of    child pornography was legal in 44 of the 50 states, despite the    inescapable fact that all such materials were, by necessity, illegally    produced and/or illegally acquired.
Technology has for some time now played a key role in greatly    expanding the availability of child pornography. The Polaroid camera,    for example, eliminated the need for child pornographers to have access    to complicit photo labs. Home video cameras did likewise for moving    images. Personal computers, digital cameras, web cams, scanners, and -    especially - the Internet, have vastly expanded the reach of child    pornography networks.
In the age of the Internet, child pornography is a booming business.    The Los Angeles Times noted in December of 1999 that: �the number    of investigations for Internet-related child pornography is soaring. The    FBI launched 1,125 such inquiries this year, more than twice as many as    last year.� In the wake of this rising tide, the U.S. 9th Circuit Court    of Appeals issued a ruling on December 17, 1999 which struck a serious    blow to the prosecution of child pornography cases.
As the Times reported, the decision stipulated that �the    government cannot prohibit computer-generated sexual images that only    appear to be pictures of children.� A later report noted that appeals    court judge Donald Molloy stated that the First Amendment bars the    government from criminalizing the generation of �images of fictitious    children engaged in imaginary but explicit sexual conduct.�
On January 22, 2001, the United States Supreme Court agreed to hear    an appeal of the case. Should the presidential appointers on the high    court choose to affirm the decision of the lower court, prosecution of    child pornography cases will become all but impossible in all fifty    states. Until that time, prosecutors are �barred from bringing    virtual-child pornography cases in California and the eight other    Western states within the jurisdiction of the U.S. 9th Circuit Court of    Appeals.�
As critics have noted, graphics technology now available to the    general public is so sophisticated that it is virtually impossible to    determine if an image has been digitally altered, and if therefore any    actual children were involved in the generation of the image. Justice    Department lawyers argued that very point, noting that the �government    may find it impossible in many cases to prove that a pornographic image    is of a real child.�
Any good defense attorney could, in other words, raise reasonable    doubt as to the authenticity of an image. It could in fact be argued    that all such computer images �only appear to be pictures of children.�    Computer images are not in fact photos, but are digital computer files    that display as a facsimile of the original photo. A sound legal    argument could be made that all digitally transferred and displayed    child pornography is therefore legal, as it doesn't represent 'real    children.'
That should come as great news to the international child pornography    networks, given that the United States is their number-one market.    According to investigative author Gordon Thomas, the majority of child    pornography produced worldwide is targeted at the U.S., where by the    early 1990s it was already a $3 billion a year business, and growing.
Thomas claims that - according to law enforcement figures - over 22    million copies of child pornography videos were sold or rented in the    U.S. in 1991. He also writes that much of that pornographic material is    produced here, where it is �part of the largest segment of movie making    in the United States.� Jan Hollingsworth concurs with that figure,    describing child pornography as: �A three-billion-dollar - per year -    U.S. industry that grossed twice that worldwide. It [is] bigger than    Disney. Much bigger.�
Speaking of Disney, Thomas notes that child porn videos are    frequently trafficked internationally by deceptively packaging them as    Disney videos. Strangely enough, the first man to benefit from the    circuit court decision was Patrick J. Naughton. You may remember him as    the executive with the Walt Disney Co. who ran one of the company's    kid-friendly web sites. Naughton was arrested and later tried on child    pornography charges.
He was convicted on December 16, just one day before the decision was    handed down in the case before the circuit court. Within hours of the    appeals court ruling, Naughton was released by federal prosecutors on    $100,000 bail. Despite the fact that he was, as the Times acknowledged, convicted of �possessing pictures of actual children,� the    decision was made to release him �until the impact of the court's ruling    can be sorted out,� illustrating the significant undermining of existing    law that the court ruling portends.
Closely associated with child pornography is, of course, child abuse.    It should go without saying that all kids used in child pornography are    abused children, their abuse recorded on film and tape for the depraved    enjoyment of other child abusers. Also closely associated with child    pornography is the always controversial issue of 'missing children.'
There is considerable debate as to whether there is a problem in this    country with missing children. Some claim that 200,000 or more children    disappear without a trace every year. Others steadfastly maintain that    numbers such as those are grossly inflated, and that abduction of    children by strangers with bad intent is actually quite rare.
The problem is that nobody really knows for sure, since the FBI -    America's compiler of crime statistics - doesn't bother to keep track.    As Ted Gunderson, former FBI station chief for Los Angeles, has stated:    �The FBI has an accurate count on the number of automobiles stolen every    year. It knows the number of homicides, rapes and robberies, but the FBI    has no idea of the number of children that disappear every year. They    simply do not ask for the statistics.�
Many believe that the numbers aren't compiled because the FBI doesn't    want to know � or more accurately, the FBI doesn't want the American    people to know. What is known though is that reports of child abuse have    skyrocketed. Between 1963 and 1988, reported cases of child abuse rose    from 150,000 to 2,000,000 per year, a 1300% increase in just a    quarter-century.
Child abuse may in fact be the most prevalent - and possibly the most    significant - crime in American society, given that it provides the    breeding ground for so much of the more visible crime plaguing Western    culture. As Thomas reports: �over 90 percent of the teenage prison    population are now victims of child abuse,� and that population is    growing rapidly.
In the wake of this rising tide, the Los Angeles Times reported in March 2001 that: �President [a clearly inappropriate use of    the word] Bush's budget will trim a program aimed at preventing child    abuse and cut some child care spending � A child abuse prevention    program will see an 18% cut.� That money will apparently be much better    spent on handing out tax breaks for the wealthy and building missile    defense shields � but here I digress.
Author and e-zine editor Robert Sterling has written of what he    refers to as �a pattern of trivialization of child molestation evidence�    that seems to characterize high-profile media stories. He points out,    for instance, that in the highly publicized Woody Allen and Mia Farrow    child custody case, all the attention was focused on Allen�s illicit    romance with Soon-yi Previn.
Almost entirely ignored in the media coverage was the fact that Allen    was also charged with molesting his own seven-year-old adopted daughter,    Dylan. While the press dismissed those allegations as unfounded and    unworthy of reporting, Sterling notes that �Connecticut state    authorities, based on the testimony of Dylan and others, have stated    that they do believe Woody did molest her, but decided not to prosecute    anyway,� allegedly to spare the child any further trauma.
Sterling also takes note of the �case of the Menendez brothers, who,    after admitting to murdering their parents, painfully revealed that they    were ruthlessly abused and molested by them over the years.� Their    claims were never fully investigated and the boys were �viciously    demonized for trying to escape the murder charges and accused of making    up their abuse,� though there was in fact clear evidence of that abuse,    according to a private investigator who worked on the case.
Also noted is the kid-gloves treatment afforded Michael Jackson when    he was charged with molestation: �even though the accusations against    him are widely believed to be true, [they] are merely passed off with a    laugh among other smirking monologue jokes on Jay Leno.� And of course,    though unmentioned by Sterling, sister LaToya was ridiculed by the media    when she came forward with stories about the sexual abuse suffered by    the Jackson kids at the hands of their father.
Sterling references other cases as well, including the over-hyped    au-pair trial in which evidence of prior abuse of the child by his    parents was consistently ignored, and the Susan Smith case, in which the    media refused to consider whether her own severe childhood abuse could    have been a factor in the murder of her children, despite the fact that    her father admitted to the chronic abuse.
Coupled with the fact that the press have consistently downplayed the    occurrence of child molestation is the equally disturbing fact that that    very same media have actively promoted the sexualization of children � a    trend that has been greatly accelerated in recent years, and which    serves to legitimize pedophilia.
Taking note of the proliferation of young teen - and even pre-teen -    sex symbols, Tom Junod wrote in Esquire that: �the entire culture    is besotted with the erotic promise of teenage girls � The lure of    jailbait now supplies the erotic energy to a popular culture desperate    for what�s new, what�s young, what�s alive.�
The Junod article is, by the way, a profile of Greg Dark, one half of    the former �Dark Brothers� � notorious purveyors of dark-themed,    occult-tinged porno films. Dark is rather noteworthy for openly peddling    child pornography, in that many of his films featured a very young Traci    Lords, who began working with the Dark Brothers at the age of thirteen.
But Dark has put those days long behind him. He is now working    comfortably in the mainstream. And he is no longer marketing teen    sexuality. No, now he is creating music videos � for Britney Spears,    Mandy Moore and the pre-pubescent Leslie Carter (sister of Aaron Carter    and Back Street Boy Nick Carter). That is, according to Dark, a    completely different line of work.
Some interesting facts about Dark emerge in the Esquire profile. It    is revealed, for instance, that he was raised by a satanist father.    Dark�s father �used to read to Gregory from the works of Aleister    Crowley, the noted satanist, when Gregory was very young.� His father�s    collection of �black magick� books is one of Dark�s most cherished    possessions.
Also revealed is that Dark is a master manipulator, as he candidly    admits to his interviewer: �And the thing is, I like manipulating    people. I�m comfortable manipulating people. I�m good at it.� Junod adds    that, during Dark�s porno days, he �asked people to do things � curious    things � and they did them.� Such is the nature of the man crafting the    images of America�s teen sex symbols and marketing them to millions of    pre-teen fans ... but here again I digress.
Also closely associated with child pornography is the issue of child    prostitution, which - make no mistake about it - is a booming business. A&E�s �Investigative Reports� has noted that law enforcement    figures indicate that there are currently some 600,000 child prostitutes    working in the United States and Canada and that $5 billion a year is    generated worldwide by pimp organizations specializing in the    exploitation of children.
A&E also reported that, throughout North America, there is a    �growing use of children in the sex trade,� and that young boys make up    51% of that trade. The FBI has, of course, turned a blind eye; for the    last quarter-century, �federal prosecutions of major pimp operations    have been virtually nonexistent.� As Dr. Lois Lee has noted: �It�s not a    high priority with the FBI to go after kids that are being transported    across state lines. It�s really a disgrace.�
Dr. Lee is the founder of �Children of the Night,� an organization    devoted to helping repair the shattered lives of child sex trade    victims. Her facility, said to be the only one of its kind in the world,    has seen 10,000 kids pass through its doors. Fully ninety percent of    them have suffered a lifetime of abuse � first at home, and later on the    streets and alleys of America�s big cities. Most of them suffered their    first abuse before the age of three.
Many of these victims are runaways recruited from small towns across    the country, then brought to prime child prostitution markets such as    Los Angeles and Las Vegas. Once there, they have an average life span of    just seven years; many of them never reach adulthood. For as long as    they survive though, they reap enormous financial rewards for their    pimps. The younger the child, the more popular they are with the    �Johns,� and therefore the more profitable for their exploiters.
All of this would tend to indicate that America is in something of a    state of denial about the proliferation of child molestation, child    prostitution, and child pornography rings, which constitute a vast    underground in this country. But does this pedophilic underground extend    into the halls of power? Is America's political, corporate and military    elite hiding a particularly dirty little secret from the American    people? A secret that, if exposed, could shatter America's cherished    political and economic institutions and bring the house of cards    crashing down?
Consider the case of Craig Spence, a behind-the-scenes Republican    powerbroker in Washington. In June of 1989, the Washington Times published a story that sent shock waves across Capitol Hill. It seems    that Spence had been operating a call-boy ring that supplied young boys,    some of them very young boys, to the Washington elite of both    political parties.
It was rumored that a list of influential clients ran to some 200    names, and some of them were publicly identified. On the list were such    names as former CIA director William Casey, former prosecutor and    current cable �news� talking-head Joseph diGenova, nominally liberal    Congressman Barney Frank, political activist/propagandist Phyllis    Schlafly, and former Attorney General John Mitchell � who once co-hosted    a party with Spence.
Also connected to the case were prominent figures in the media; on    the guest lists for Spence's �parties� were names such as Ted Koppel and    Eric Severeid � who had both been close friends of Spence�s for more    than two decades. Koppel had first met Spence when he was serving as the    ABC bureau chief in Hong Kong and Spence was purportedly working as a    correspondent in Vietnam.
Spence's mansion was found to be overflowing with surveillance    equipment, including hidden cameras and microphones and an abundance of    two-way mirrors. It was alleged that the ring was part of a CIA sexual    blackmail operation, gathering compromising evidence on Washington politicos and foreign dignitaries. In August, following his arrest on    weapon and drug charges, Spence gave an interview to the Times in    which he openly claimed to work for the CIA and with high-ranking    members of the Reagan and Bush administrations.
His claims were scoffed at and he was largely portrayed as a    self-important blowhard. There are indications though that Spence was    involved in covert operations as far back as Vietnam, working under    journalistic cover. An associate of his from that time told the Washington Post: �Spence pulled disappearing acts in Vietnam --    sometimes for weeks at a time � Then he�d turn up, refusing to say where    he�d been.�
In Washington, Spence was known to take his show on the road, giving    some of his boys regular late-night tours of the White House. These    tours were reportedly arranged by Donald Gregg, the national security    adviser to then-Vice President George Bush. Though Gregg adamantly    denied the accusation, there were undeniable connections between the two    men, including the fact that Spence had once sponsored a dinner for    Gregg.
The story quickly dropped off the media radar screen, and Washington    and the press proceeded to pretend as though it had never been aired at    all. According to a Washington Times reporter, the paper trail    was quickly covered-up � some 20,000 documents pertaining to the case    were sealed by court order. By the time Spence turned up dead in a    Boston hotel room less than five months after the story first broke, he    was all but forgotten.
The UK�s Independent reported that: �Boston police said he was    found lying on his bed at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel, dressed in evening    clothes, with no obvious signs of injury. The police refused to comment    on the cause of death.� The Post had earlier reported that Spence had    told a friend: �I may be disappearing soon. It will be sudden. It may    appear to be a suicide, but it won�t be.�
Elsewhere in the country, a political operative named Larry King -    hailed as �the fastest rising black star in the Republican Party� - was    embroiled in another high-level pedophile ring. King, whose operation    was based in Omaha, Nebraska, had connections to Craig Spence as well as    to Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Oliver North, and various other major    players in Washington.
The story first began to emerge with the collapse of the Franklin    Community Credit Union run by King, one of many such entities that went    belly-up in the 1980s savings and loan scandals. A special senate    'Franklin Committee' was formed to look into allegations of financial    improprieties, but soon found itself instead investigating claims of    child prostitution, child pornography and ritual homicide. Committee    members soon found themselves receiving anonymous threats.
The investigation led to the doorsteps of some of the most powerful    men in the state of Nebraska � including newspaper publisher Harold    Andersen (a lunch partner of George Bush), local columnist Peter Citron,    a judge, the mayor of Omaha, the city's Games and Parks Commissioner, a    prominent attorney, the former police chief of Omaha, businessman Alan    Baer, and multi-billionaire Warren Buffet (for whose son King sponsored    a political fund-raiser).
Also identified as a perpetrator by some of the victim/witnesses was    George Bush himself. The scandal was completely ignored by the national    U.S. media, and appears to have been covered by the local press for the    sole purpose of discrediting the witnesses and denouncing the    investigation as yet another �witch hunt.�
The case did attract some attention from the European press though. Pronto, the largest circulation weekly in Spain, reported that    the scandal �appears to directly implicate politicos of the state of    Nebraska and Washington, D.C. who are very close to the White House and    George Bush.� The report also noted that �there is reason to believe    that the CIA is directly implicated,� and that the �FBI refuses to help    in the investigation and has sabotaged any efforts� by others to do so.
A documentary film crew from the UK�s Yorkshire Television,    working in conjunction with the Discovery Channel, worked for    months investigating the case. The result of their efforts was a film    entitled �Conspiracy of Silence� which concluded that the child    victims/witnesses were telling the truth. The documentary was scheduled    to air on the Discovery Channel on May 3, 1994.
Just days before its scheduled airing, the film was pulled without    explanation and all copies were ordered destroyed. At least one    production copy of the video survived the purge, however, and has been    known to circulate among those derisively labeled as �conspiracy    theorists.� For everyone else, the conspiracy of silence continues.
The Omaha operation, described in the film as a �large ring of rich    and powerful pedophiles,� appears to have been in business for several    years � with the knowledge of, and for the perverse pleasure of, a    variety of city, state and federal authorities. Jerry Lowe, the first    investigator assigned to the case by the Franklin Committee, reported    back that: �The allegations regarding the exploitation of children are    indeed disturbing. What appears to be documented cases of child abuse    and sexual abuse dating back several years with no enforcement action    being taken by the appropriate agencies is on its face, mind-boggling.�
The investigation revealed that many of the child victims had been    recruited from one of America�s most revered charitable organizations �    Boy�s Town, to whom King had maintained close ties since 1979. Senator    Loran Schmit has said: �Boy�s Town came up frequently during the    investigation, but we found it difficult to get information about Boy�s    Town,� as did the film crew from Yorkshire Television.
Republican state senator and Franklin Committee member John DeCamp,    in his book The Franklin Cover-Up, presents a compelling body of    evidence to document the charges made by the child victims and various    others associated with the operation. Equally disturbing is the evidence    of the massive cover-up that was perpetrated by the FBI, local police,    the grand jury assigned to the case, and of course the ever-compliant    media.
The cover-up involved, according to DeCamp, the untimely deaths of at    least fifteen key players in the scandal � including Franklin Committee    investigator Gary Caradori, whose private plane was blown out of the sky    on July 11, 1990 with Caradori and his eight-year-old son on board.    Caradori had been threatened frequently, as had the witnesses from whom    he was gathering information. His vehicle had also been repeatedly    tampered with.
His brother claimed that Gary had told him that he had recently come    into the possession of a key piece of evidence - specifically a book of    addresses and phone numbers - which �if they knew he had it, they�d kill    him.� The wreckage of his plane was, as a reporter on the scene noted,    �strewn over a � to 1 mile stretch.� A National Transportation Safety    Board investigator acknowledged that: �the fact that the wreckage is    scattered over a large area certainly demonstrates that it did break up    in flight.�
Family members claimed that there were items missing from the plane�s    wreckage, most significantly Caradori�s briefcase. Within twenty-four    hours of the crash, all of his records had been impounded by the FBI.    Nevertheless, the NTSB ruled that the crash had been accidental, with no    evidence of sabotage.
The Franklin Committee - led by Senator Schmit, who suspected    sabotage - ordered a private investigation into the cause of the crash.    Strangely enough, the man selected to conduct that inquiry was William    Colby, a fifty year veteran of intelligence operations whose career    began in the OSS during World War II. Colby�s hiring was urged by his    prot�g�, Senator DeCamp.
In the 1950s, Colby had served as the CIA station chief in Italy    during the notorious Operation Gladio days. In the 1960s, he ran the    equally notorious Phoenix assassination, torture and terror program in    Vietnam that claimed from 20,000 to 40,000 lives. The program was    steeped in mind control operations, including the conducting of terminal    experiments on VC prisoners-of-war.
Colby next served as the director of the CIA under President Richard    Nixon, before being replaced in that post by President Gerald Ford with    George Bush. Considering his past history, Colby was certainly an odd    choice to lead an inquiry aimed at ascertaining the truth. Colby�s    finding, according to the Omaha World Herald, was that: �although    the crash had some strange aspects, there was no specific evidence of    sabotage.�
As appalling as the trail of dead witnesses was the fact that the    child victims, rather than the perpetrators, were thrown in    prison. One of them, a young female victim named Alisha Owen, achieved    the rather dubious honor of spending more time in solitary confinement    than any woman in the history of the Nebraska penal system. She was    sentenced to 9-25 years in prison for allegedly committing perjury, ten    years longer than the sentence received by King for looting his    financial institution of $40 million.
As DeCamp explained to the �Conspiracy of Silence� film crew: �For    some reason, they had to send a signal to every kid who is a potential    witness.� Senator Schmit, who told the filmmakers that his career had    been destroyed and that he had faced financial problems, believed that a    clear signal was being sent to Nebraska politicians as well � a signal    to not pursue the investigation any further.
A clearly disillusioned Schmit had this to say: �I used to be a firm    believer that the system would work and that people who did things wrong    would be punished. And we discovered victims who claimed to have been    abused, and who the grand jury acknowledged had been abused, but    they did not try to find out who had abused these individuals. Instead,    they convicted Alisha Owen of perjury � indefensible from my point of    view.�
It would be a full decade before any of the victims received even a    semblance of justice, and that would ultimately come not from a criminal    court, but from a civil court. In early 1999, a judgment was entered    against defendant Larry King in favor of plaintiff Paul Bonacci � one of    the most seriously abused of the child victims, whose abuse at the hands    of King began when he was just six years old and which included his    forced collaboration in the production of child snuff films. The    memorandum of the district court's decision, issued on February 22,    1999, reads as follows:
�Between December 1980 and 1988, the complaint alleges, the defendant    King continually subjected the plaintiff to repeated sexual assaults,    false imprisonments, infliction of extreme emotional distress, organized    and directed satanic rituals, forced the plaintiff to 'scavenge' for    children to be a part of the defendant King's sexual abuse and    pornography ring, forced the plaintiff to engage in numerous sexual    contacts with the defendant King and others and participate in deviate    sexual games and masochistic orgies with other minor children. The    defendant King's default has made those allegations true as to him ...
�The now uncontradicted evidence is that the plaintiff has suffered    much. He has suffered burns, broken fingers, beatings of the head and    face and other indignities by the wrongful actions of the defendant    King. In addition to the misery of going through the experiences just    related over a period of eight years, the plaintiff has suffered the    lingering results to the present time. He is a victim of multiple    personality disorder, involving as many as fourteen distinct    personalities aside from his primary personality. He has given up a    desired military career and received threats on his life. He suffers    from sleeplessness, has bad dreams, has difficulty in holding a job, is    fearful that others are following him, fears getting killed, has    depressing flashbacks, and is verbally violent on occasion, all in    connection with the multiple personality disorder and caused by the    wrongful activities of the defendant King.�
For his years of unspeakable abuse, physical and emotional suffering,    and the complete shattering of his life, Bonacci was awarded one million    dollars. While a bittersweet victory at best, it was considerably more    than most other victims of such abuse have gotten. The trial was    significant for another reason as well; it revealed a glimpse of the    connections between the King case and various other multi-victim abuse    cases around the country.
REFERENCES:
1. Asseo, Laurie �Justices Will Review Ban on Virtual Kiddie     Porn,� Associated Press, January 22, 2001
2. Bowart, Walter Operation Mind Control, Dell     Publishing, 1978
3. * DeCamp, John W. The     Franklin Cover-Up, AWT, Inc., 1992
4. Hollingsworth, Jan Unspeakable Acts, Congdon & Weed,     1986
5. Junod, Tom �The Devil in Greg Dark,� Esquire, February     2001
6. Laurina, Maria �Paul and Shirley Eberle: A Strange Pair of     Experts,� Ms. Magazine, December 1988
7. Li, David K. �Naughton Free in Time for Christmas,� New     York Post, December 23, 1999
8. Li, David K. �Turn Him Loose! Judge Voids Naughton�s Porno     Conviction,� New York Post, January 22, 2000
9. Lichfield, John �White House �Great Gatsby� Lands in a New     York Jail Cell,� The Independent (UK), August 10, 1989
10. Lichfield, John �White House Midnight Rambler Found Dead,� The Independent (UK), November 13, 1989
11. Mintz, John, Martha Sherill and Elsa Walsh �The Shadow World     of Craig Spence,� Washington Post, July 18, 1989
12. Savage, David �Justices to Tackle �Virtual� Child Porn,� Los Angeles Times, January 23, 2001
13. Sterling, Robert �Daddy�s Little Princess,� The     Konformist, www.konformist.com
14. ** Tarpley, Webster G. and     Anton Chaitkin George Bush: The Unauthorized Biography,     www.tarpley.net/bushb.htm
15. Thomas, Gordon Journey Into Madness, Bantam, 1989
16. Thomas, Gordon Enslaved, Pharos Books, 1991
17. Valentine, Douglas The Phoenix Program, William     Morrow, 1990
18. Weinstein, Henry and Greg Miller �'Virtual' Child Porn Is     Legal, Court Says,� Los Angeles Times, December 18, 1999
19. �Obituary of Craig Spence,� Daily Telegraph, November     14, 1989
20. �Colby Played Role in Probe of Franklin,� Omaha World     Herald, April 30, 1996
21. �Bush Budget Seeks Child Program Cuts,� Los Angeles Times,     March 24, 2001
22. �The Child Sex Trade,� A&E Investigative Reports
23. �Conspiracy of Silence,� Yorkshire Television and the     Discovery Channel
24. Paul A. Bonacci v. Lawrence E. King (4:CV91-3037),     United States District Court for the District of Nebraska,     Memorandum of Decision, February 22, 1999
* Some readers have criticized the     use of this book as a source due to the affiliations of the author     with various right-wing groups and causes. This is indeed cause for     concern. Also of concern is that DeCamp served in Vietnam under his     mentor - future CIA director William Colby - as DeCamp himself     proudly proclaims in his book. What this means is that he was likely     a part of the Phoenix Program. Nevertheless, DeCamp's book is the     only published work to fully explore the so-called Franklin case,     and it presents a considerable amount of factual information not     available elsewhere.
** This book is also problematic, due to    the authors' decidedly LaRouchian perspective. While the book is, for    the most part, factually accurate, much of the analysis and    interpretation of those facts misses the mark due to the authors'    ideological bias. As with the DeCamp book, its inclusion as a source    should not be interpreted to mean that this author endorses other    causes, affiliations, or past actions of these authors.
The Pedophocracy, Part III: Uncle Sam Wants Your Children
August 2001
"It should come as no surprise, then, that long-time CIA and    �intelligence complex� operatives turn up on the FMSF Advisory Board.    Perhaps the most public member has been Dr. Louis Jolyon �Jolly� West, a    legendary figure in CIA mind control circles operating out of UCLA.    Another is Dr. Martin Orne, an authority on torture who currently works    at the University of Pennsylvania�s Experimental Psychiatry Lab � Still    another false memory luminary is Margaret Singer, professor emeritus at    the University of California-Berkeley."
Toward Freedom, May 1998
One of the names raised at the Bonacci trial    was that of Michael Aquino. Aquino is the �High Priest� and chief    executive of the Temple of Set, an overtly satanic cult that split off    from the Church of Satan in 1975. Besides tending to those duties,    Aquino also has occupied his time serving as (according to an official    biography once circulated by the Temple) a �Lieutenant Colonel, Military    Intelligence, U.S. Army.�
Aquino was accused in court by the mother of a victim as being a key    player in a nationwide pedophile ring. Paul Bonacci himself has also    positively identified Aquino as an associate of King, known to the    children only as 'the Colonel.' King's personal photographer has    identified Aquino as the man to whom he saw King hand over a suitcase    full of cash and bonds.
The photographer, Rusty Nelson, also has said that King told him that    Aquino was part of the Contra guns and cocaine trafficking operation run    by George Bush and another notorious Lt. Col., Oliver North. Aquino has    also been linked to Offutt Air Force Base, a Strategic Air Command post    near Omaha that was implicated in the investigation by the Franklin    Committee. He was also claimed to have ordered the abduction of a Des    Moines, Iowa paperboy.
This was certainly not the first time that Aquino had been implicated    as a key figure in large scale pedophile/child pornography rings. In    July of 1988, not long before the King and Spence cases broke, the San Jose Mercury News ran a lengthy expos� on the Presidio Child    Development Center run by the U.S. Army in San Francisco.
Allegations of abuse being perpetrated at the center first emerged in    November of 1986. Alarmed by accusations made by her child, a parent had    sought a medical examination which confirmed that the three-year-old boy    had in fact been anally raped. The boy identified his rapist as 'Mr.    Gary,' a teacher at the center named Gary Hambright.
Even with the conclusive medical evidence, �it took the Army almost a    month to notify the parents of other children who had been in 'Mr.    Gary's' class that the incident had taken place.� Within a year, at    least sixty victims had been identified, all between the ages of three    and seven, and further �allegations would be made by parents that    several more children were molested even after the investigation had    begun.�
Amazingly enough, the center remained open for more than a year after    the first case of abuse was reported, though the Mercury News noted that �day care centers under state jurisdiction are routinely    closed when an abuse incident is confirmed.� And this was considerably    more than a simple abuse incident that was confirmed.
The stories told by the children implicated many other perpetrators    besides Hambright. They also told of being taken away from the center to    be abused in private homes; at least three such houses were positively    identified. They also told of being forced to play �poopoo baseball� and    the �googoo� game � 'games' that involved the children being urinated    and defecated upon, and being forced to ingest urine and feces.
Many of them also spoke of having guns pointed at them and of having    been told that they and/or their parents and siblings would be killed if    they told anyone what had been done to them. Despite the mounting number    of victim/witnesses, and the numerous crimes alleged by these children,    it was only Gary Hambright who was arrested - on January 5, 1987 - and    he was charged with abusing just a single child. And even then the    charges were dismissed just three months later, in March of 1987.
There is little doubt that literally dozens of children were in fact    severely abused at the center. There was irrefutable medical evidence to    document that fact. Five of the children had contracted chlamydia, a    sexually transmitted disease; many others showed clear signs of anal and    genital trauma consistent with violent penetration, which authorities    chose to ignore. One mother complained to the San Francisco Chronicle that the FBI never interviewed her or her son, even after doctors had    confirmed the boy�s abuse.
There were unmistakable psychological signs as well. As The    American Journal of Orthopsychiatry noted in April of 1992: �The    severity of the trauma for children at the Presidio was immediately    manifest in clear cut symptoms. Before the abuse was exposed, parents    had already noticed the following changes in their children: vaginal    discharge, genital soreness, rashes, fear of the dark, sleep    disturbances, nightmares, sexually provocative language, and sexually    inappropriate behavior. In addition, the children were exhibiting other    radical changes in behavior, including temper outbursts, sudden mood    shifts, and poor impulse control. All these behavioral symptoms are to    be expected in preschool children who have been molested.�
The journal article, written by Diane Ehrensaft, Ph.D., also noted    that: �The Presidio case has confronted both the public at large and the    mental health community with an extraordinary and abhorrent situation of    grave psychological proportions: the willful molestation of young boys    and girls by representatives of the most patriarchal and supposedly    protective arm of the American government � the U.S. Army.�
The article further noted the nearly homicidal rage provoked in the    fathers of the children abused in this way, as they saw the    investigations of the crimes perpetrated against their children    stonewalled and covered up. One father is quoted as saying: �When    something about the Presidio comes on TV, I want to blow someone away.�    Another father echoed this sentiment: �I was ready to blow the army base    away.�
One of those who the fathers would have liked to blow away was    Michael Aquino, along with his wife Lilith. One child positively    identified the pair, known to the kids as 'Mikey' and 'Shamby,' and was    also able to positively identify the Aquino's home and to describe with    uncanny accuracy the distinctively satanic interior of the house. The    young witness also claimed to have been photographed at the Aquinos'    home.
On August 14 of 1987, a search warrant was served on the house.    Confiscated in the raid were numerous videotapes, photographs, photo    albums, photographic negatives, cassette tapes, and name and address    books. Also observed was what appeared to be a soundproof room. Neither    Aquino nor his wife were charged with any crimes, nor have they been to    this day � a fact that Aquino claims proves his innocence.
The next month, a fire - which the Army deemed to be accidental -    destroyed the Army Community Services Building adjacent to the    Presidio's day care center. Strangely enough, �the fire occurred on the    autumnal equinox, a major event on the satanic calendar,� as the Mercury News noted. The fire also destroyed some of the center's    records.
�Three weeks later, fire struck again, this time at the day care    center itself.� A building that housed four classrooms, including that    of Gary Hambright, was completely destroyed. Investigators from the    Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms determined that �both fires,    contrary to the Army's finding, had been arson.�
In between the first and second fires (with evidence indicating that    a third arson attempt had been made as well), Hambright was again    indicted, this time charged with molesting ten children. In February of    1988, all but one of the charges were dropped. Shortly thereafter, the    remaining count was dropped as well, and Hambright was a free man once    again. No further charges were brought against him.
In January of 1988, Aquino filed suit against the Army to have it    cleared from his record that he had been investigated as a suspected    pedophile. According to court records, he also had the gall to charge    �Captain Adams-Thompson [the father of a victim] with conduct unbecoming    an officer because the Captain reported the allegations of child abuse    to the San Francisco police.�
In denying Aquino's motion, the court concluded that �there was    probable cause to title Aquino with offenses of indecent acts with a    child, sodomy, conspiracy, kidnapping, and false swearing,� despite the    fact that �the San Francisco police department (SFPD) closed its    investigation and filed no charges against the plaintiff or anyone    else.�
Aquino and various of his defenders have consistently claimed that no    one was ever prosecuted in the case due to a lack of evidence � proof    that the entire affair was no more than a �witch hunt.� Of course, the    failure to prosecute the federal charges could also be due to the fact    that, at the time, the U.S. Attorney in San Francisco handling the case    was Joseph Russoniello.
Russoniello would later be identified by reporter Gary Webb of the San Jose Mercury News as a player in the Contra cocaine smuggling    operation led by Lt. Col. Oliver North and company, just as witnesses    would later identify Lt. Col. Michael Aquino as an operative in the very    same sordid affair. It always helps when your legal �adversaries� are    actually on your side.
In May of 1989, Aquino was again questioned in connection with child    abuse investigations; this time at least five children in three cities    were making the accusations. The children had seen Aquino in newspaper    and television coverage of the Presidio case and immediately recognized    him as one of their abusers.
Three of the children lived in Ukiah - former home of the People�s    Temple - where Police Chief Fred Keplinger was overseeing the    investigation of the allegations. The Mercury News quoted the    chief as saying that �the children are believable. I have no doubt in my    mind that something has occurred.� Aquino was also identified by    children in Santa Rosa and Fort Bragg.
In the Fort Bragg case, �allegations of ritual abuse erupted ... in    1985 when several children at the Jubilation Day Care Center said they    were sexually abused by a number of people at the day care center and at    several locations away from the center, including at least two    churches.� Aquino was identified as having been at one of those    churches.
The Mercury News also reported that there was clear evidence    of satanic cult activity on the grounds of the Presidio base, including    an abundance of satanic graffiti, a satanic altar, and numerous    artifacts of satanic rituals. A former MP at the base is quoted as    saying: �We were sitting there, we've got a cult on the Presidio of San    Francisco and nobody cares about it ... We were told by the provost    marshal to just forget about it.�
On April 19, 1988 - the eve of Adolf Hitler�s birthday, and seven    years to the day before the Oklahoma City Federal Building would    explode, allegedly due to an act of �domestic terrorism�- an open-house    was held on the grounds of the Presidio heralding the opening of the new    day care facility built to replace the fire-damaged Child Development    Center.
As a final note on the Presidio case, a report in the Marin    Independent Journal revealed that Aquino owned a building in Marin    County - inherited from his mother, Betty Ford-Aquino - that had been    jointly leased to the Marin County Child Abuse Council and Project Care    for Children. The stated purpose of Project Care was, interestingly    enough, to assist parents in locating day care for their children.
As disturbing as the Presidio case was, it was just one of many    ritual abuse cases directly tied to one or more branches of the United    States armed forces. As the Mercury News reported: �By November,    1987 the Army had received allegations of child abuse at 15 of its day    care centers and several elementary schools. There were also at least    two cases in Air Force day care centers,� and another in a center run by    the U.S. Navy.
In addition, �a special team of experts was sent to Panama [in June    of 1988] to help determine if as many as 10 children at a Department of    Defense elementary school had been molested and possibly infected with    AIDS.� Yet another case emerged in a U.S.-run facility in West Germany.
These cases erupted at some of the most esteemed military bases in    the country, including Fort Dix, Fort Leavenworth, Fort Jackson, and    West Point. Many of those making the accusations were career military    officers who had devoted their lives to unquestioned allegiance to the    U.S. armed forces. Many would resign their posts in outraged protest.
It would be redundant to review all these cases, as most of them    followed a remarkably similar pattern. Given though that West Point is America's premier military academy, and given also that the case    - like many others - was linked by witnesses to the Presidio, a brief    review is warranted here.
As The Times Herald Record reported in June of 1991: �The    incidents [at the West Point Child Development Center] unfolded against    a backdrop of satanic acts, animal sacrifices and cult-like behavior    among the abusers, whose activities extended beyond the U.S. Military    Academy borders to Orange County and a military base in San Francisco,    parents charged.�
The case first broke in July of 1984, when a three-year-old girl    found herself in the emergency room of the West Point Hospital with a    lacerated vagina. She told the examining physician that a teacher at the    day care center had hurt her. The next month, the parents of another    child leveled accusations of abuse at the center.
As the Mercury News reported: �By the end of the year, 50    children had been interviewed by investigators. Children at West Point    told stories that would become horrifyingly familiar. They said they had    been ritually abused. They said they had had excrement smeared on their    bodies and been forced to eat feces and drink urine. They said they were    taken away from the day care center and photographed.�
Despite abundant medical and psychological evidence, and literally    dozens of child witnesses, and despite �950 interviews by 60 FBI agents    assigned to the investigation, an investigation led by former U.S.    Attorney Rudolph Giuliani produced no federal grand jury indictments,�    according to the Herald Record.
The Herald also noted that: �In 1987, Giuliani said his    detailed investigation showed only one or two children were abused.�    This was, it should be noted, a bare-faced lie from the fascistic    future-mayor and would-be Senator, as the Herald report divulged:    �a still-secret, independent report - produced by one of the nation's    top experts on child sexual abuse - confirms the children's accusations    of abuse.�
This was not the first time that the prestigious academy had shown an    appalling willingness to overlook extreme levels of abuse directed at    children by army personnel. A year before the abuse case broke, a    22-month-old child was murdered by an Army staff sergeant. The Mercury News reported that: �After a court martial hearing, the    sergeant was given an 18 month suspended sentence and dishonorable    discharge.�
In other words, he served no time and was essentially given a free    ride for murdering a child. With help from Giuliani, the FBI, the U.S.    Army, and the grand jury, the abusers of countless children at the day    care center (which was, appropriately enough, building number 666 on the    academy grounds) were likewise given a free ride.
As with the Franklin case, the children and their parents were to    find justice only through the civil courts. The Herald Record reported that: �lawyers for both the government and the 11 child    plaintiffs agreed that some children were sexually abused at the center    two years ago� (again contradicting Giuliani's bogus conclusions). The    government, however, claimed that it could not be held responsible, due    to the �assault exemption in the Federal Tort Claim Act.�
As the New York Times explained: �under federal law the    government cannot be held liable for assaults committed by its employees    and thus cannot be sued for assault.� In other words, the Army did not    dispute the allegations, it just rather cavalierly maintained that it    was exempt from being sued. The court saw otherwise and awarded $2.7    million to nine of the child victims � paltry compensation for their    suffering, but a victory of sorts nonetheless.
The Times opined that the settlement amount �was large for a    child-abuse case in which no criminal charges were filed.� The article    claimed that the failure to prosecute the case was due to the fact that    �the Federal Bureau of Investigation found �insufficient evidence to    prosecute,�� when in fact the Bureau appears to have deliberately    ignored and/or covered-up that evidence.
And so ended the West Point case, except that - as one mother noted -    it was hardly over: �These people stole our children. She's nothing like    she used to be. She's a very angry little girl. She doesn't trust    anyone. She's nothing like she was before this happened. It's never    going to be over for them, or for us.�
The mother of a Presidio victim had this to say: �People keep telling    us we've got to let it go -- just forget about it and go on ... Three    weeks ago, our youngest daughter was having nightmares and our other    daughter was closing out the whole world, going to her room and siting    there, with no radio, no TV, no nothing. Tell me it's over.�
�I cannot accept promotion in a system that at first refused to    acknowledge and now refuses to deal with the victims of extensive child    abuse that occurred at the West Point Child Development Center.�
Army Captain Walter R. Grote, refusing a promotion to Major in    June 1985. Grote referred to his protest as a �fight for the human    rights of all children.�
REFERENCES:
1. Al-Kurdi, Husayn �Messing With Our Minds,� Toward Freedom,     May 1998
2. Arce, Rose Marie �Liability in Point Abuse Case Debated,� The Times Herald Record (Middletown, New York), December 23,     1986
3. Blood, Linda The New Satanists, Warner Books, 1994
4. Cunningham, Douglas and Alan Snel �A Legacy of Pain:     Settlement Doesn't Ease Abused Children's Fears,� The Times     Herald Record (Middletown, New York), June 11, 1991
5. DeCamp, John W. The Franklin Cover-Up, AWT, Inc., 1992
6. Ehrensaft, Diane �Preschool Child Sex Abuse: The Aftermath of     the Presidio Case,� The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry,     April 1992
7. Goldston, Linda �Army of the Night,� San Jose Mercury News,     July 24, 1988
8. Goldston, Linda �Satanic Priest Questioned in New Sex Case,� San Jose Mercury News, May 13, 1989
9. Hays, Constance L. �$2.7 Million Settles Army Child-Abuse     Case,� New York Times, May 23, 1991
10. Sawyer, Kathy �Army Doctor Turns Down Promotion; Lax     Response to Case of Child Abuse Cited,� Washington Post, June     25, 1985
11. Steinberg, Jeffrey �Satanic Subversion of the U.S.     Military,� EIR, July 2, 1999
12. �Army Doctor Refuses Promotion in Protest,� San Diego     Union Tribune, June 25, 1985
13. �The Keys to Hell and Death � Part II,� SFLR News (the newsletter of San Francisco Liberation Radio), May 21, 2001
14. Michael Aquino v. The Honorable Michael Stone, Secretary     of the Army (Civ. A. No. 90-1547-A), United States District     Court, Alexandria Division, July 1, 1991
The Pedophocracy, Part V: It Couldn't Happen Here
Prosecutor Dan Casey: �Did you exercise any kind of mind    control over your wife in order to get her to have sexual contact?�
Frank Fuster: �If I had that power, you think I would use it    against � ? You know ... I don�t ... I have never. I�m a normal human    being.�
On August 8, 1984, Bobby Dean stood on the    front lawn of the Fuster home in the Country Walk housing development -    a picture-perfect, planned community of relatively upscale suburban    homes in Dade County, Florida. By all appearances, this was a small    slice of paradise � an oasis untouched by the grim realities of American    society.
On this day though, Dean had a loaded gun in his waistband and he    fully intended to use it. He was there to finish the job that someone    else had failed to complete on December 18 of 1980. On that day, an    unidentified assailant had confronted Francisco Fuster Escalona (aka    Frank Fuster) at his place of business and shot him once in the side of    the head.
Fuster survived the attack, which he explained to the police as a    botched robbery, though the officers thought it looked more like an    attempted execution. Dean didn�t get the chance to make another attempt;    police were on the scene in short order to arrest him.
Fuster himself surrendered to police two days later in response to    the issuance of an arrest warrant. He had been under investigation    following accusations by neighborhood parents that he and his wife,    Iliana, had been brutally abusing their children while in the trusted    care of the Fuster�s babysitting service � run out of their Country Walk    home.
Fuster had, shall we say, rather questionable qualifications to run a    day care center. On January 16, 1969, Fuster pumped two shots into the    heart of a fellow motorist in New York City, killing him instantly. An    off-duty police officer was, curiously enough, an eyewitness to the    summary execution.
Even more curiously, Fuster chambered another round and pointed his    gun directly at the armed officer � and yet wasn't shot. He was arrested    though, and tried and convicted before the year was out. On Halloween    day (needless to say, yet another occult holiday), he was sentenced to a    ten year prison term. He was back on the streets in less than four,    after which he received �psychiatric care.�
In November of 1982, he was convicted again � this time of a lewd    assault on a nine-year-old girl. Despite being his second felony    conviction, Fuster was sentenced to just two years probation. It was    while on probation for the child molestation conviction that Fuster and    his underage wife started up the babysitting service.
His probation officer apparently had no problem with this business    venture, although it brought Fuster into unsupervised contact with at    least fifty kids. At least thirty of them were horrifically abused.    Fuster�s probation officer also had no problem with the fact that Frank    had self-terminated his court-ordered psychiatric treatment in August of    1983.
No one really seems to have been too concerned about Fuster�s    babysitting service, which - in addition to being run by a convicted    child molester - was operating without proper licensing and in violation    of local zoning laws. Commercial enterprises were expressly forbidden in    the residential community.
Nevertheless, the service operated with the full knowledge of the    entity managing the complex. In fact, Fuster�s service used the name    Country Walk Babysitting Service, implying that his was an officially    sanctioned service provided for the community.
The management company, Arvida, denied there were ever any official    links to the Fuster operation after Frank's past and present activities    were revealed. This, of course, was to be expected. Given that Arvida    was a subsidiary of the Walt Disney Company, it wouldn't really do to be    perceived as having connections to a child molestation operation.
The fact remains though that the company took no actions against    Fuster for the illegal expropriation of the �Country Walk� name or for    violating zoning regulations. Dade County also took a hands-off approach    to the Fuster business enterprise. Despite the fact that Frank lacked    other required licenses, the convicted murderer was issued an    occupational license to run the babysitting service.
Detective Donna Meznarich was the first police investigator sent to    look into the allegations being made by the Country Walk parents. She    was openly skeptical of the charges before she even knew what they    actually were. The parents felt that she came calling with an    unmistakable attitude of disbelief.
Nevertheless, enough evidence quickly emerged to issue an arrest    warrant for Frank Fuster for probation violations. Considerably more    evidence could have been gathered had police conducted a timely search    of the Fuster home. Facing imminent arrest, Fuster was observed by his    Country Walk neighbors hastily packing boxes into a white van.
Fearing the loss of valuable physical evidence, parents contacted the    police � who failed to respond. The detective that disregarded the    parents� concerns that day was Donna Meznarich. She also executed the    search warrant the next day, on a home largely - though not entirely -    cleansed of incriminating evidence.
With Fuster safely in custody, the stories told by the child victims    grew increasingly disturbing. They told of being forced to play    �pee-pee� and �ca-ca� games. A photo would be produced at trial showing    Fuster�s young son Jaime - one of the most severely abused of the    victims - sitting in a bathroom smeared thickly with excrement.
The children also told of being forced to drink �magic punch,� later    revealed by Fuster�s wife to be a mixture of Gatorade, urine, and    various drugs. It would be revealed at trial that a close friend of the Fuster family owned a pharmacy, providing a reliable source for drugs.    This friend was particularly close to Fuster�s mother and uncle.
The children also told of having their lives threatened repeatedly,    and of having their parents� lives threatened as well. They had been    compelled to play a game, they said, called �who's gonna lose their    head?� This game frequently ended with the ritual decapitation of an    animal, typically a bird.
Finally, perhaps inevitably, the children claimed that they were    frequently photographed and videotaped � while being sexually abused and    during occult rituals. Fuster claimed to have never owned any video    equipment, and none was found in the belated search of the Fuster home.    Jaime Fuster though recalled seeing video equipment - as well as guns -    being packed into the boxes being loaded into the van just before    Fuster�s arrest.
Some investigators have speculated that Fuster was in the business of    producing custom, made-to-order child pornography videos. He certainly    lived quite well for a self-employed mini-blind installer. He had no    problem coming up with the down payment for his Country Walk home, and    had no fewer than six bank accounts. He was in the habit of making lump    sum deposits of as much as $20,000.
Fuster apparently liked to screen home videos for the kids as well,    one of which was said to be a snuff film that the children described as    depicting two men butchering a woman in a bathtub and then eating her.    Some of the kids also, strangely enough, spoke of being hypnotized by    Iliana Fuster, who they said wore a �hypnotizer� on a chain around her    neck.
The trial of Frank Fuster had notable parallels to the McMartin    prosecutions, though it differed in significant ways as well. The    Country Walk parents who actively and vocally worked to see Fuster    brought to justice were subjected to death threats by phone, obscene    messages in the mail, and dead chickens left on their doorsteps �    similar to the harassment suffered by their counterparts in Manhattan    Beach.
Also like McMartin, the primary defense strategy was to bring in a    hired-gun �expert� of questionable qualifications to attempt to    discredit the children�s testimony. The children had been brainwashed by    the overzealous therapists, it was claimed, as these villainous    therapists were crucified as being the true guilty parties in what was    clearly a �witch hunt.�
The man originally scheduled to play this starring role for the    defense was Ralph Underwager, at the time a prominent mouthpiece for a    group calling itself VOCAL - Victims of Child Abuse Laws. As the name    implies, this group was largely composed of indicted and/or convicted    pedophiles. Underwager had been present at the birth of the    organization.
The defense suffered a bit of a setback though when Underwager�s    credentials as an �expert� in the field of child development were    revealed as being nonexistent at a pretrial deposition. He was quietly    dropped by the defense and replaced with Lee Stewart Coleman, who also    had close ties to VOCAL. Coleman had played a key role in the    unsuccessful prosecution of the defendants in one of the McMartin-linked    preschools.
Coleman did not succeed in his mission in the Country Walk case,    however. Fuster was found guilty on all fourteen counts. One reason for    this is that the children were protected from the abusive pretrial    treatment afforded the McMartin kids. Additionally, the police and    prosecutors - with some notable exceptions - seem to have actually made    an effort to win the case.
Why was this prosecution not subverted as so many others were? That    is difficult to say, though the answer may lie in the make-up of the    parents seeking justice for their children; among them were a police    sergeant, a police lieutenant, two former state prosecutors, a former    chief assistant state attorney, and a gun-toting vigilante named Bobby    Dean.
In the end, Frank Fuster - the man who appeared at his pretrial    hearing in what was described as a �catatonic trance� - was sentenced to    be imprisoned until the year 2150. Not even the Santeria priest who    attended the trial with Fuster�s mother and uncle had the power to save    him. And Arvida - which is to say, the Walt Disney Co. - paid $6 million    to seven of his victims.
Even so, justice was not necessarily served. According to the    victims, at least two other adults were involved in the abuse. The state    knew the identity of at least one of them, but he was never charged with    any crimes. Had he been, there�s no telling where the investigation    might have led; his wife had once run a babysitting service.
With the heightened awareness of child abuse engendered by the    high-profile Fuster case, a number of other cases emerged in the Miami    area. In one, police inadvertently stumbled upon a collection of    hundreds of photos of a convicted child pornographer engaged in sexual    acts with young boys, and promptly arrested the man.
Two days after his release on bond, he was found in a Miami hotel    room with a bullet hole in his head. His death was, naturally, ruled a    suicide. This timely suicide preempted an investigation that could have,    it seems reasonable to conclude, led to the elementary school that was    directly across from his home/studio.
Another case that broke in the wake of Country Walk was that of    Harold �Grant� Snowden, whose wife also had run a babysitting service.    Dozens of kids had passed through her care over the course of a decade.    It took two trials, but Snowden was ultimately convicted. In 1983, he    had been named the South Miami Police Department�s "Officer of the    Year." Stepping up to handle the appeal of his conviction was F. Lee    Bailey, who in the late 1960s had represented a U.S. Air Force Captain    in South Carolina accused of child molestation involving multiple    victims.
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